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INTERNACIONAL

The Philippines' publicity approach to South China Sea clashes tests Beijing

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  • In February 2023, the government of the Philippines decided to change tactics and publicize their encounters with the Chinese military in an effort to build international support and awareness, as well as to force Beijing to face reputational consequences.
  • Publicizing China’s actions, combined with Manila’s deepened military alliance with the U.S., has constrained Beijing’s ability to escalate matters at sea but raised the risks of Chinese economic retaliation and U.S. involvement.
  • A main point of conflict between China and the Philippines is sovereignty over Scarborough Shoal and Second Thomas Shoal in the South China Sea, where clashes involving aggressive maneuvering and water cannons have taken place.

Huddled in the presidential situation room in February last year, senior Philippines officials faced a stark choice.

Military and intelligence leaders watched as coast guard officers showed photos of what the agency said was a military-grade laser that China had pointed at a Philippines ship in disputed waters days earlier.

Eduardo Ano, the national security adviser and chair of the South China Sea taskforce, had to decide whether to release the pictures and risk Beijing’s ire, or refrain from aggravating his giant neighbor.

CHINA ATTACKS ON PHILIPPINE BOATS ARE TO PROVOKE US, PREP FOR TAIWAN WAR, EXPERTS WARN

«The public deserves to know,» the retired general told the officials. «Publish the photographs.»

The previously undisclosed meeting marked a pivotal moment, as Manila began a publicity blitz to highlight the intensifying territorial dispute in the South China Sea, where the ramming of ships, use of water cannons and ensuing diplomatic protests have sharply raised tensions.

«It was a turning point and the birth of the transparency policy,» National Security Council spokesperson Jonathan Malaya, who attended the meeting and recounted the exchange, told Reuters. «The goal was to eventually impose severe costs to Beijing’s reputation, image and standing.»

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An aerial view shows the BRP Sierra Madre on the contested Second Thomas Shoal in the South China Sea, March 9, 2023. The Philippine navy intentionally ran this ship aground in 1999 to reinforce Manila’s sovereignty claims on the shoal. (Reuters/File Photo)

Malaya said President Ferdinand Marcos Jr had directed officials to «civilianize and internationalize» the dispute, which they had achieved by using the coast guard and routinely embedding foreign journalists on missions. «This became an important component of building international support for the Philippines, because our audience is also foreign governments,» he added.

This account of the Philippines’ policy switch and its implications is based on interviews with 20 Philippine and Chinese officials, regional diplomats and analysts. They said publicizing China’s actions, combined with Manila’s deepened military alliance with the U.S., had constrained Beijing’s ability to escalate matters at sea but raised the risks of Chinese economic retaliation and U.S. involvement.

The February 2023 meeting occurred days after Marcos granted the U.S. access to four more military bases in the Philippines, rekindling defense ties that had suffered under his predecessor, Rodrigo Duterte.

«China has few escalatory options left without triggering the U.S.-Philippines mutual defense treaty and risking a military confrontation between Chinese and U.S. forces,» said Ian Storey, a security scholar at Singapore’s ISEAS Yusof Ishak Institute.

Marcos has also pursued a diplomatic offensive, gaining statements of support for the Philippines’ position from countries such as Canada, Germany, India and Japan.

The South China Sea is rich in oil and gas. About $3 trillion in trade passes through it annually. U.S. access to Philippine bases could prove important in a war over Taiwan.

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PHILIPPINES WARNS OF ‘RED LINE’ WITH BEIJING AMID HEIGHTENED TENSIONS IN SOUTH CHINA SEA

China, whose claims to most of the sea were invalidated by an international tribunal in 2016, says Philippine vessels illegally intrude into waters surrounding disputed shoals. It has warned Marcos, who took office in June 2022, against misjudging the situation.

«This is brinkmanship, poker,» said Philippine legal scholar Jay Batongbacal. «Brinkmanship is taking things to the edge, trying to see who loses his nerve. Poker is a game of bluffing and deception – one could be doing both at the same time.»

In response to Reuters questions, China’s foreign ministry said the Philippines had been stoking tensions with «provocative actions at sea in an attempt to infringe on China’s territorial sovereignty and maritime rights».

China, it said, would defend its interests while handling the dispute peacefully through dialogue.

A U.S. State Department spokesperson said Manila’s transparency initiative had succeeded in calling greater attention to China’s «disregard for international law» and actions that endangered Philippine service members.

The spokesperson would not comment on the risk of U.S. military involvement but said the U.S. would support the Philippines if it faced economic coercion from China.

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Conflict in the South China Sea

The conflict is over Scarborough Shoal and Second Thomas Shoal, where the Philippine navy maintains a rusting warship, BRP Sierra Madre, that it beached in 1999 to reinforce Manila’s sovereignty claims. A small crew is stationed on it.

Chinese ships have sought to block resupply missions, by encircling Philippine vessels and firing water cannons that in March shattered a boat’s windshield, injuring its crew. Manila released footage of the incident; China said it acted lawfully and professionally.

In February, Philippine ships recorded Chinese counterparts placing a barrier across the entrance to Scarborough Shoal. This week, both sides traded accusations over a collision involving their vessels near Second Thomas Shoal.

Philippine Coast Guard spokesman Jay Tarriela taunts Chinese officials and state media on X, sometimes posting drone footage of maritime clashes. «If I were doing anything incorrect, I would have been shut down,» he said.

Tarriela said the transparency drive had worked, by galvanizing support for Manila while the threshold of China’s aggression had not changed, despite an increase in incidents.

«They are still depending on their water cannon … they are still stuck with that kind of tactic,» he said.

The number of Chinese vessels around Second Thomas Shoal during Philippine resupply missions has grown from a single ship on average in 2021 to around 14 in 2023, the Center for Strategic and International Studies said in January.

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CHINESE COAST GUARD BLOCKED MEDICAL EVACUATION, PHILIPPINES SAYS: ‘BARBARIC AND INHUMANE’

Last month, China’s coast guard came within feet of the Sierra Madre and seized supplies air-dropped to troops stationed there, according to Philippine officials. China, whose navy patrolled nearby, said Filipino soldiers pointed guns at its coast guard; Manila said they just held their weapons.

Philippine officials say they fear a fatal accident could escalate into open hostilities.

«That keeps a lot of us awake at night,» the Philippines’ ambassador to Washington, Jose Manuel Romualdez, told Reuters.

Manila also wants to avoid the kind of economic pressure it faced around a decade ago, when protracted Chinese customs checks caused Philippine bananas to rot on Chinese docks.

China was the Philippines’ second-biggest export market in 2023, taking nearly $11 billion worth or 14.8% of all its shipments. China is the Philippines’ top source of imports, mainly refined petroleum products and electronics.

Romualdez said Manila hoped China would «see the value of continuing our economic activity while trying to peacefully resolve the issue».

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Edcel John Ibarra, a political scientist at the University of the Philippines, said Marcos risks provoking China into «a harder approach», such as non-tariff barriers and tourism restrictions. He pointed to changes China announced in May that allow its coast guard to detain foreigners without trial for 60 days.

China ‘feeling the squeeze’ of the Philippines’ publicity approach

The intensity of Manila’s campaign has surprised its neighbors. Vietnam and Malaysia, which also have maritime disputes with Beijing, have been more cautious about what they release from their skirmishes with China.

«We are all watching this and talking amongst ourselves,» said one Asian diplomat, who was not authorized to be named. «The Philippines has carved out a new strategy in standing up to Beijing over a point of friction.»

Marcos said in December that diplomacy with China had achieved little, calling on Southeast Asia «to come up with a paradigm shift».

China’s state media have expressed irritation with the transparency push.

The Philippines has been «playing the victim to deceive international public opinions», the state-backed Global Times said in an op-ed in May.

A key aspect of Manila’s approach has been solidifying the U.S. alliance. Both countries made clear in May last year that their defense treaty also covers the coast guard. In April, Marcos participated in an unprecedented summit with his U.S. and Japanese counterparts.

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A U.S. official involved in U.S.-China talks that month said Chinese officials have complained about these diplomatic breakthroughs behind closed doors, adding that Beijing was «feeling the squeeze».

Some Chinese scholars, like Zha Daojiong, at Peking University’s School of International Studies, say the situation is at an impasse and that China will continue to be «essentially reactive» at flashpoints like Second Thomas Shoal.

«By responding to the Philippines’ action, I guess they want to keep the message that this shoal is in dispute,» he said.


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INTERNACIONAL

Corea del Sur se sumerge en una crisis política sin precedentes en su historia democrática

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El Parlamento de Corea del Sur destituyó este viernes a Han Duck-soo, primer ministro y presidente interino, lo que agrava el caos político desatado tras la declaración de la ley marcial a principios de mes y depara un panorama de incertidumbre institucional sin precedentes en la historia democrática del país.

Han ha sido presidente en funciones apenas dos semanas, ya que heredó la responsabilidad del presidente Yoon Suk-yeol, destituido por el Congreso el 14 de diciembre por su sorpresiva y pobremente fundamentada decisión de declarar el estado de excepción 11 días antes.

Corea del Sur nunca había cesado en democracia a un jefe de Estado y gobierno en funciones, escenario que lleva a que, a partir de ahora, sea el ministro de Finanzas y viceprimer ministro, Choi Sang-mok, el que asuma el cargo.

La oposición ha dicho que seguirá presionando a quien ocupe la presidencia para que autorice a renovar el Tribunal Constitucional e investigaciones especiales contra Yoon y la primera dama -algo a lo que se niegan Ejecutivo y partido gobernante- y que seguirá presentando mociones de destitución hasta conseguirlo.


Existe pues la posibilidad de que Choi dure menos que Han si en los próximos días no da su brazo a torcer ante la exigencias de la principal formación opositora, el liberal Partido Democrático (PD).


De este modo, los próximos candidatos a ocupar la presidencia interina son, respectivamente, el ministro de Educación, Lee Ju-ho, el de Ciencia, Yoo Sang-im, y el canciller, Cho Tae-yul.

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Los argumentos de la oposición

Al presentar el jueves la moción para destituir a Han el PD dio cinco motivos para pedir su cese. Entre ellos, que como primer ministro pudo ser cómplice en la declaración de la ley marcial y también que maniobró junto al ex líder de la formación gobernante, el conservador Partido del Poder Popular (PPP), para que, en vez de ser destituido, Yoon dimitiera en unos meses, limitando así el daño electoral para el oficialismo.

Posters con las imágenes del destituido presidente de Corea del Sur Yoon Suk Yeol (derecha) y del interino Han Duck-soo, también desplazado por el Parlamento, durante una protesta en Seúl, este viernes. Foto: AP

La afrenta definitiva para el PD tuvo lugar esta semana, cuando Han se negó a aprobar dos mociones para iniciar pesquisas especiales -para investigar a Yoon a cuenta del estado de excepción y a su esposa por supuesta corrupción- y a ratificar los nombramientos de tres nuevos jueces para el Constitucional.


Han y el PPP argumentaron que ambas decisiones debían requerir consenso por parte de ambos partidos en la Asamblea Nacional (Parlamento), donde el PD tiene mayoría, para poder dar su aval.

El Tribunal Constitucional, campo de batalla

El Tribunal Constitucional, que está siendo campo de batalla entre los dos principales partidos y promete seguir siéndolo en los próximos meses, está juzgando ya a Yoon por su declaración de la ley marcial y tiene hasta el 11 de junio para ratificar o no su destitución.

De no cubrirse las tres vacantes actuales, que deben ser ratificadas por quienquiera que sea presidente interino, los seis magistrados que integran actualmente el Constitucional deberán de aprobar unánimemente la inhabilitación de Yoon para que se haga efectiva.

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Así, mientras que el PPP busca dilatar el proceso para cesar a Yoon ante la posibilidad de que el Tribunal Supremo pueda ratificar pronto una sentencia por violar la ley electoral que pesa sobre el líder de los liberales, el PD quiere acelerarlo para evitar ese escenario, que lo dejaría descabezado ante unas presidenciales en las que al día de hoy es favorito indiscutible.

Muchos creen que el Constitucional no tardará mucho en emitir su fallo, aunque en el horizonte hay otro problema: el 18 de abril expiran los mandatos de otros dos magistrados y en este caso el nombramiento de sus sustitutos corresponde enteramente al presidente, interino o no, por lo que cabe la posibilidad de que la audiencia quede completamente paralizada al contar con solo cuatro jueces.

El líder del  oficialista Partido del Poder Popular habla a sus seguidores tras el impeachment al presidente interino. Foto: BLOOMBERGEl líder del oficialista Partido del Poder Popular habla a sus seguidores tras el impeachment al presidente interino. Foto: BLOOMBERG

Una peligrosa parálisis institucional


Muchos expertos alertan del peligro que supone esta parálisis institucional ante los retos económicos y diplomáticos que el país encara en 2025.


Por un lado, la ley marcial ya ha dejado notar sus efectos sobre el won (que cotiza en su mínimo con el dólar desde 2008), la Bolsa de Seúl o las perspectivas de inversión foránea y crecimiento.

A eso se suma el que pronto asumirá como presidente de Estados Unidos el republicano Donald Trump, que tiene a Corea del Sur en el punto de mira al considerar que no paga suficiente por la presencia de tropas estadounidenses y por su superávit comercial con la primera economía mundial.

No solo la amenaza de aranceles -que dañarían a una economía que depende del sector exterior en un 44 %- de Trump preocupan en Seúl; también la posibilidad de que apueste por un conflicto comercial abierto con China del que Corea del Sur saldría muy perjudicada por tratarse de sus dos principales socios comerciales.

A su vez, es posible que Trump decida dialogar de nuevo con Corea del Norte, proceso que a Seúl le convendría seguir muy de cerca en un momento en que Moscú cobra también peso en la ecuación por su reciente acercamiento a Pyongyang.

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