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Iran expands weaponization capabilities critical for employing nuclear bomb

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The Islamic Republic of Iran has continued its pursuit of obtaining a nuclear weapon by not only stockpiling enriched uranium to near-weapons grade purity, it has expanded its covert actions in developing its weaponization capabilities. 

According to information obtained by sources embedded in the Iranian regime and supplied to the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), an opposition organization based out of D.C. and Paris, there are indications that Tehran has once again renewed efforts to advance its ability to detonate a nuclear weapon.

At the head of Iran’s detonators program is an organization the NCRI has dubbed METFAZ, which is the Farsi acronym for the Center for Research and Expansion of Technologies on Explosions and Impact, and its recent movements at a previously deactivated site, known as Sanjarian, has drawn immense speculation.

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The Foundation for Defense of Democracies has analyzed where Iran’s nuclear infrastructure is located. (Foundation for Defense of Democracies)

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«Our information shows the METFAZ has expanded its activities, intensified activities, and their main focus is basically the detonation of the nuclear bomb,» Alireza Jafarzadeh, deputy director of the NCRI in the U.S., told Fox News Digital. «When you make a bomb, you have the fissile material at the center of it, but you need to be able to trigger it, to detonate it, and that’s a sophisticated process.

«It’s important to see what METFAZ does and follow their activities because that is sort of like a gauge on figuring out where the whole nuclear weapons program is,» he added. 

Iran has at least a dozen sites across the country dedicated to nuclear development, weaponization, research and heavy water production, but information shared with Fox News Digital suggests that there has been an increase in covert activity in at least two of these locations, including Sanjarian, which was once one of Iran’s top weaponization facilities. 

The Sanjarian site, located roughly 25 miles east of Tehran and once central to Iran’s nuclear program under what is known as the Amad Plan, was believed to have been largely inactive between 2009 and late 2020 after stiff international pushback on Iran’s nuclear program.

Iran nuclear

The Sanjarian site in 2017, when the NCRI announced that its activities had moved to Plan 6 in Parchin. (Image provided by the NCRI)

Though by October 2020 renewed activity had returned to the area under the alleged guise of a filming team, first captured through satellite imagery and which the Islamic Republic used to justify why vehicles had reportedly been regularly parked outside the formerly top nuclear site. 

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In 2022, trees were planted along the entrance road to the compound, effectively blocking satellite imagery from monitoring vehicles stationed there, before a security gate was then believed to have been installed in May 2023, according to information also verified by the Institute for Science and International Security. 

Iran nuclear

Sanjarian in 2024 (Image provided by the NCRI)

Now, according to details supplied by on-the-ground sources to the NCRI this month, top nuclear experts have been seen regularly visiting the site since April 2024 and are believed to be operating under the front company known as Arvin Kimia Abzaar, which claims to be affiliated with the oil and gas industry, a sector in which Iran has long attempted to conceal its activities. 

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Jafarzadeh said one of the executives of the Arvin Kimia Abzaar company is Saeed Borji, who has been a well-known member of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps since 1980 and has long headed METFAZ.

METFAZ falls under Iran’s Organization of Defensive Innovation and Research, which is widely known to security experts as the organization spearheading Iran’s nuclear development and is suspected of using the Sanjarian site for renewed research on exoloding bridgewire (EWB) detonators. 

Iran has previously attempted to conceal its EBW detonators program, a system first invented in the 1940s to deploy atomic warheads but which has expanded into non-military sectors, under activities relating to the oil industry.

In a 2015 report, the United Nations nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), noted that Iran’s detonator development was an «integral part of a program to develop an implosion-type nuclear explosive device.»

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It also highlighted how Iran attempted to conceal its program by alleging during a May 20, 2014, meeting that the detonator program dating back to 2000-2003 was related to Tehran’s aerospace industry and was needed to «help prevent explosive accidents» but which the IAEA determined was «inconsistent with the timeframe and unrelated to the detonator development program.»

Iran nukes

Technicians work at the Arak heavy water reactor’s secondary circuit as officials and media visit the site in December 2019. (Atomic Energy Organization of Iran/AP)

During the same 2014 meeting, Iran claimed that «around 2007 its oil and gas industry had identified a requirement for EBW detonators for the development of deep borehole severing devices.»

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The IAEA assessed that while the application of EBW detonators, which are fired within «sub-microsecond simultaneity,» are «not inconsistent with specialized industry practices,» the detonators that Iran has developed «have characteristics relevant to a nuclear explosive device.»

«The Iranian regime has really basically, over the years, used deceptive tactics – lies, stalling, playing games, dragging [their feet], wasting time,» Jafarzadeh said when asked about this report. «That’s the way they’re dealing with the IAEA, with the goal of moving their own nuclear weapons program forward without being accountable for anything.»

The IAEA did not respond to Fox News Digital’s questions on the NCRI’s most recent findings, which were shared with the nuclear watchdog this week, and it remains unclear what advancements or research Iran continues to pursue in the detonator field.

Iran rocket space

The launch of a Simorgh, or «Phoenix,» rocket is shown at the Imam Khomeini Space Launch Terminal in Iran’s Semnan province on Dec. 6, 2024. (Iranian Defense Ministry via AP)

«While the international community and the IAEA have mainly focused on the amount and the enrichment level of uranium Tehran possesses, which would provide fissile material for the bomb, the central part, namely the weaponization, has continued with little scrutiny,» Jafarzadeh told Fox News Digital.

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The NCRI also found that METFAZ, which operates out of a military site known as Parchin some 30 miles southeast of Tehran, has expanded its Plan 6 complex where it conducts explosive tests and production.

Parchin, which is made up of several military industrial complexes, was targeted in Israel’s October 2024 strikes. According to the Institute for Science and International Security, the strikes destroyed «multiple buildings» within the complex, including a «high explosive test chamber» known as Taleghan 2.

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Iran’s layered approach to its nuclear program, which relies on networks operating under the guise of privately owned companies, false operations and immense ambiguity, has made tracking Tehran’s nuclear program difficult for even agencies dedicated to nuclear security, like the IAEA, Jafarzadeh said.

«The regime has used deceptive tactics to prevent any mechanism for verification, and it has yet to provide an opportunity or the means for the IAEA to have a satisfactory answer to the inquiries it has raised,» he told Fox News Digital. «Our revelation today shows that the regime has no transparency related to its program for building an atomic bomb and is moving towards building the bomb at a rapid pace.»

The NCRI confirms that neither the Sanjarian site nor Parchin’s Plan 6 have ever been inspected by the IAEA.


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INTERNACIONAL

Con una oleada de demandas, Donald Trump ataca a los medios estadounidenses

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El presidente electo de Estados Unidos, Donald Trump, prometió en su primera conferencia de prensa tras las elecciones de noviembre «enderezar» a la prensa «corrupta» de su país, en una actitud que genera preocupación entre los defensores de la libertad de expresión.


El magnate republicano de 78 años, que asumirá el cargo el 20 de enero, tendrá que acudir primero a los tribunales, con una avalancha sin precedentes de demandas por diversos motivos, incluida por difamación.

Ya antes de asumir el cargo esbozó sus primeros esfuerzos para moldear a la prensa a su favor, eligiendo a allegados leales para comandar medios financiados con fondos públicos y lanzando demandas sin precedentes contra periódicos y encuestadores. Para observadores y analistas, estas son señales de una escalada de tácticas de intimidación y censura.

El lunes, el magnate republicano demandó a la encuestadora Ann Selzer, al periódico Des Moines Register y a su empresa matriz Gannett por una encuesta preelectoral que, equivocadamente, el día de los comicios, lo situaba en desventaja en el estado de Iowa.

Esa demanda se produjo después de que la cadena televisiva ABC aceptara pagar 15 millones de dólares, más los honorarios legales, para resolver una demanda por difamación luego de que uno de sus periodistas dijera repetidamente que Trump había sido declarado culpable de «violación», cuando de hecho había sido responsabilizado por abuso sexual.


Varios expertos legales argumentaron que el medio probablemente habría prevalecido en los tribunales contra Trump.

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Los medios en Estados Unidos, en alerta ante la posible censura de Donald Trump. Foto: REUTERS

El personal de ABC se quejó ante otros medios estadounidenses de que el canal estaba sentando un precedente de que la prensa debe someterse a Trump, una señal potencialmente preocupante, pues la cadena no es la única que ha sido demandada.

Los abogados de Trump también pusieron en su mira al famoso periodista de investigación Bob Woodward, por publicar entrevistas grabadas con el presidente. Trump sostiene que Woodward -quien reveló el escándalo Watergate que hizo caer a Richard Nixon en 1974- estaba autorizado a grabarlas con fines periodísticos, pero no a difundir los audios.


La CBS, por su parte, fue demandada después de que Trump afirmara que esa cadena editó una entrevista con su rival electoral Kamala Harris de forma de favorecerla.


Trump calificó el proceder de «un intento descarado de interferir en las elecciones presidenciales estadounidenses de 2024».


El experto en asuntos de libertad de expresión Charles Tobin, hablando con la CNN, calificó la demanda de «peligrosa y frívola».

Miedo y desconfianza entre los periodistas


Incluso aunque Trump pierda en la justicia, su disposición a iniciar demandas «crea un efecto paralizante», declaró a la AFP Melissa Camacho, profesora de Comunicación de la Universidad Estatal de San Francisco.

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«Lo que ocurre es que los medios de comunicación empiezan a practicar la autocensura», opinó.

Donald Trump, en una entrevista en la Asociación Nacional de Periodistas Negros, en Chicago, durante la campaña electoral, en julio. Foto: AP Donald Trump, en una entrevista en la Asociación Nacional de Periodistas Negros, en Chicago, durante la campaña electoral, en julio. Foto: AP

Khadijah Costley White, profesora adjunta de periodismo y estudios de medios de comunicación en la Universidad Rutgers, sostuvo que las demandas también podrían presionar hacia una cobertura de prensa más favorable al presidente.


«Si obtiene una concesión como la que tuvo con el reciente acuerdo con ABC News, conseguirá que sus supuestos adversarios den marcha atrás o asustar a la prensa para que sólo haga coberturas en su favor. Todas esas son victorias», explicó.


También hay formas no procesales en las que Trump puede luchar contra la prensa.


Durante su primer mandato (2017-2021), su gobierno llegó a pasar más de 300 días sin dar una rueda de prensa oficial a cargo del secretario de prensa de la Casa Blanca.


Incluso si la Casa Blanca de Trump celebrara las conferencias de prensa diarias, podría deshacerse de los asientos reservados para los medios tradicionales.

«Que sea el primero en llegar, el primero en ser atendido. No hay ninguna razón para que a estos grupos de izquierda se les garantice un asiento», escribió el ex secretario de prensa de la Casa Blanca Sean Spicer en una reciente nota de opinión para el periódico conservador The Washington Times.


Esos supuestos grupos «de izquierda» son las cadenas NBC, CBS, CNN y los diarios The New York Times y The Washington Post, medios que a veces se consideran de tendencia liberal y están entre los más respetados del país.

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La ironía es que, incluso si su gobierno bloquea a los medios tradicionales, el propio Trump, que tiene inclinación por dialogar con periodistas, podría seguir hablando con ellos aún más que el presidente saliente, el demócrata Joe Biden, que en gran medida evitó entrevistas con los medios nacionales.


Medios que trabajan fuera de Estados Unidos también pueden esperar cambios.


Trump eligió a Kari Lake, de la línea dura de la campaña electoral, como nueva directora de la Voz de América, una red de alcance mundial y programación en diversos idiomas africanos, asiáticos y europeos.


Según Trump, Lake ayudará a «garantizar que los valores estadounidenses de libertad y autonomía se transmitan por todo el mundo de manera JUSTA y PRECISA, a diferencia de las mentiras difundidas por los medios de noticias falsas».

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