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British PM Keir Starmer moves UK military into ‘war-fighting readiness’

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British Prime Minister Keir Starmer announced Monday that he is moving the United Kingdom’s military into «war-fighting readiness» to address growing threats from Russia. 

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During a visit to BAE Systems’Govan facility, a navy ship-building yard in Glasgow, Scotland, the prime minister laid out «three fundamental changes» to be made in response to the country’s strategic defense review. 

«First, we are moving to war-fighting readiness as the central purpose of our armed forces,» Starmer said. «When we are being directly threatened by states with advanced military forces, the most effective way to deter them is to be ready. And frankly, to show them that we’re ready, to deliver peace through strength.» 

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Starmer continued, «Now Britain has the finest service men and women in the world. We’re showing them the respect that they deserve by delivering the biggest armed forces pay rise in 20 years and by pledging today that we will end the hollowing out of our armed forces. «We’ll build a fighting force that is more integrated, more ready, more lethal than ever, backed by a stronger strategic reserve, fully trained and ready to mobilize at any time.»

Britain’s Prime Minister Keir Starmer delivers a speech during a visit to the BAE Systems’Govan facility, in Glasgow, Scotland, on Monday, June 2, 2025.  (Andy Buchanan, Pool Photo via AP)

The new approach comes as President Donald Trump has warned European nations to take more responsibility for their own security. Starmer’s announcement focused on a «new era» of threats, citing the war in Ukraine, new nuclear risks and «daily cyberattacks,» as well as reversing the post-Cold War defense decline. He called out «growing Russian aggression» in U.K. waters and skies, blaming «their reckless actions» for the increased cost of living «hitting working people the hardest.» 

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«The threat we now face is more serious, more immediate and more unpredictable than at any time since the Cold War,» Starmer said. 

The U.K. government announced military plans in response to a strategic defense review commissioned by Starmer and led by George Robertson, a former U.K. defense secretary and NATO secretary general. 

It’s the first such review since 2021. Months after Britain’s last major defense review was published in 2021, then-Prime Minister Boris Johnson said with confidence that the era of «fighting big tank battles on European landmass» are over. Three months later, Russian tanks rolled into Ukraine. Starmer’s center-left Labour Party government says it will accept all 62 recommendations made in the review, aiming to help the U.K. confront growing threats on land, air, sea and in cyberspace.

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The second change, Starmer explained from Scotland, is ensuring «everything we do will add to the strength of NATO.»

«As we step up to take greater responsibility for our collective defense, the NATO alliance means something profound, that we will never fight alone,» Starmer said. «It is a fundamental source of our strategic strength. That’s why our defense policy will always be NATO first, something that’s written through this review. The transformation we are driving in our defense must add up to Britain’s biggest contribution to NATO since its creation. So that when we’re building new capabilities at home, we are making our allies safer too, strengthening Europe, and strengthening our bridge to the US as Britain’s first partner in defense.» 

Starmer press conference with Scotland factory workers

Britain’s Prime Minister Keir Starmer delivers his speech during a visit to the BAE Systems’Govan facility, in Glasgow, Scotland, on Monday, June 2, 2025.  (Andy Buchanan, Pool Photo via AP)

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The third change laid out by Starmer is for the U.K. to «innovate and accelerate at a wartime pace so we can meet the threats of today and of tomorrow as the fastest innovator in NATO.» He said such advancements would not mean «replacing people» or hardware, but would rather mean «learning the lessons of Ukraine» and ensuring «every capability we have works seamlessly together.»

«Drones, destroyers, AI, aircraft, each different branch of our armed services, fully integrated to create an army which is 10 times more lethal by 2035,» Starmer said. 

The U.K. government said it’s expanding the country’s armed, nuclear-powered submarine fleet with up to 12 new SSN-AUKUS boats through a partnership with Australia and the United States. The government also says it will invest 15 billion pounds in Britain’s nuclear arsenal, which consists of missiles carried on a handful of submarines. Details of those plans are likely to be kept secret.

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Starmer has already pledged to increase defense spending to 2.5% of GDP by 2027, a boost from the current 2.3%, and to eventually get that up to 3%.

Starmer gives address at Scotland factory

Britain’s Prime Minister Keir Starmer delivers his speech during a visit to the BAE Systems’Govan facility, in Glasgow, Scotland, Monday June 2, 2025.  (Andy Buchanan, Pool Photo via AP)

GB News noted at the press conference Monday that Starmer hasn’t committed to having 3% of the GDP go to defense spending within the next nine years, even as Germany’s defense chief warned Russia could invade a NATO ally within the next four years. In his response, Starmer reiterated the U.K. as a «steadfast ally» to Ukraine and said the changes coming as a result of the review would be the best way to deter further conflict. 

The U.K. government will also increase Britain’s conventional weapons stockpiles with up to 7,000 U.K.-built long-range weapons.

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Starmer said rearming would create a «defense dividend» of thousands of well-paid manufacturing jobs – a contrast to the post-Cold War «peace dividend» that saw Western nations channel money away from defense into other areas.

The Associated Press contributed to this report.

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Panorama Internacional: 146.500 bombas de Hiroshima, 80 años después, ¿qué no aprendimos?

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Esta semana se cumplió el 80 aniversario del bombardeo nuclear a Hiroshima y Nagasaki que cesó la Segunda Guerra Mundial con la masacre en apenas segundos de más de 210 mil vidas. La única vez que se usaron estos artefactos en un frente bélico. No solo hubo aquellas víctimas inmediatas. Otras decenas de miles cayeron luego poco a poco atrapados en los efectos de la contaminación. Quienes sobrevivieron, los llamados Hibakusha (literalmente, persona bombardeada), quedaron presos del arrasador impacto psicológico y de la discriminación que sufrieron por parte de sus paisanos.

Ese horror acaba de experimentar una peculiar forma de ser evocado por parte de las dos mayores potencias nucleares de la época. El autócrata ruso Vladimir Putin acaba de anunciar que se libera de lo que llamó una moratoria unilateral para los misiles intermedios. “Rusia se considera con derecho a adoptar, si es necesario, las medidas adecuadas, a dar los pasos apropiadas”, dijo el vocero del Kremlin en las mismas horas del aniversario.

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La moratoria de la que habla es el acuerdo de 1987 entre la Unión Soviética y EE.UU. para desmantelar las armas nucleares y convencionales de corto y mediano alcance. Ese pacto ya había sido gravemente ignorado en 2019 en su primera presidencia por Donald Trump, planteando que Rusia lo había violado, alegaciones que la otra parte negó.

Ahora Moscú hace este anuncio en cierto sentido abstracto, sobre un acuerdo muerto, como reacción a la insólita amenaza del líder republicano que anunció el despliegue de sus submarinos nucleares supuestamente cerca de Rusia. Una medida imprudente, pero vacua porque los sumergibles siempre están en movimiento y no es necesario acercarlos para atacar blancos lejanos.

Fue su respuesta al lenguaraz ex presidente ruso, Dmitri Medvedev, que suele hablar por boca de Putin revoleando el potencial nuclear de su país para sostener derechos que se atribuye sobre Ucrania. Moscú apuntó primero a Europa con esta amenaza y a EE.UU. luego, horas antes de vencer el ultimátum de Trump a Putin para que cese la guerra y negocie con Kiev, presión que Rusia desconoce con estos exabruptos.

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Este contexto puntual revela hasta qué punto permanece ausente una estrategia equilibrada en un tema altamente nocivo que se ha venido desbarrancado, por definirlo de algún modo. El astrofísico estadounidense-australiano Brian Schmidt, Premio Nobel de Física en 2011, alerta que las armas nucleares actuales son mucho más destructivas que las de Hiroshima y Nagasaki. “En los arsenales contemporáneos, una sola bomba puede contener tanto poder destructivo como el que se desató durante toda la Segunda Guerra”, dijo a comienzos de año en el portal Truthout.

Actualmente, se estima que los nueve países que tienen arsenales nucleares poseen el equivalente destructivo de 146.500 bombas del tamaño de la de Hiroshima, muchas de las cuales están listas para ser lanzadas en poco tiempo. Schmidt sostiene que un arma nuclear “pequeña” en este presente podría precipitar el uso de un arsenal nuclear equivalente a una gigatonelada, causando el colapso de la civilización.

El arsenal actual

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Tras la Segunda Guerra, EE.UU., seguido por la Unión Soviética, invirtió fuertemente en el desarrollo de armas nucleares, y el Reino Unido, Francia, China y, posteriormente, Israel, India, Pakistán y Corea del Norte construyeron sus propias bombas. “A mediados de la década de 1980, los arsenales nucleares mundiales alcanzaron un máximo de poco más de 70.000 ojivas. Los tratados de control de armas y la diplomacia lograron reducir esas cifras a aproximadamente 12.200 en la actualidad, de las cuales casi el 90% están en posesión de Rusia y Estados Unidos”, consigna Jon Letman en ese portal.

Henry Kissinger alertaba que las guerras pueden estallar más allá de la intención de quienes las estimulan, incluso por un accidente cuya posibilidad crece de modo significativo si se juega en los límites. Gerhard Mangott, experto en Rusia de la Universidad de Innsbruck, explica que el despliegue de misiles de alcance intermedio en Europa, planeado por los países de la OTAN y Rusia, se instala en aquellos umbrales mínimos. Si un bando dispara un proyectil de este tipo, el otro solo tendría minutos para responder. “En Europa Central, el tiempo de advertencia se reducirá a unos cuatro o cinco minutos, lo que aumenta considerablemente la probabilidad de una escalada nuclear involuntaria”, le señala a Reuters.

El presidente de Estados Unidos, Donald Trump, gesticula mientras bromea con los periodistas sobre su plan de instalar misiles nucleares, junto a un arquitecto y sus asesores en el tejado de la Casa Blanca en Washington. Foto Reuters

Las analistas Marion Messmer y Georgia Cole del Chatham House de Londres, agregan a ese escenario el aporte polémico de la Inteligencia Artificial que “está transformando la forma en que se pueden usar o mal usar las armas nucleares”. Alertan a tono con lo indicado por Mangott que “estos avances cambian el cálculo estratégico, reducen el tiempo que los líderes tienen para tomar decisiones de vida o muerte y aumentan el riesgo de una escalada accidental”.

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El escenario global nunca estuvo tan en peligro, señalan los especialistas. Solo alcanza con observar que Rusia, India, Pakistán, Israel y el propio EE.UU., todos con arsenales nucleares, se han envuelto últimamente en graves disputas militares. Y sobrevuela también el problema Trump. Además de la salida de su país del citado tratado de misiles de alcance intermedio el líder republicano sumó la reticencia en su primer gobierno a prolongar el Nuevo START.

Es el último tratado vigente de limitación de armas nucleares entre EE.UU. y Rusia. Casi provocó su ruptura antes de que Joe Biden, luego, obtuviera una prórroga de cinco años”, afirma el politólogo Anubhav Goswami en The Interpreter. Ese pacto imprescindible vence en febrero de 2026. Esa fecha puede ser el umbral de una extraordinaria inestabilidad nuclear al disolverse la barrera que impide la multiplicación de las armas.

“Trump desprecia los acuerdos nucleares”, sostiene este académico de la universidad de Perth especializado en riesgo atómico. Aún si hubiera un acuerdo incluyendo a China, como reclama el líder republicano, nada detendrá el masivo programa de modernización nuclear estadounidense con un coste de 1,7 billones de dólares o casi 75.000 millones de dólares anuales entre 2023 y 2032.

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En ese paquete está la nueva clase de submarinos con misiles balísticos, los intercontinentales basados en silos, la bomba de gravedad modificada, y los bombarderos furtivos de última generación. Armas para una guerra del fin del mundo que pone en seria duda el sentido original del concepto de disuasión.

El presidente ruso, Vladímir Putin, se reúne con la cúpula del Ministerio de Defensa y representantes de la industria de defensa en Moscú, Rusia. Foto EFEEl presidente ruso, Vladímir Putin, se reúne con la cúpula del Ministerio de Defensa y representantes de la industria de defensa en Moscú, Rusia. Foto EFE

Goswami aporta otra novedad importante a estas épocas de locura. “Para empeorar las cosas, EE.UU. analiza reanudar las pruebas nucleares por primera vez desde 1992. Romper con la larga tradición de abstenerse de estos test llevaría a otros Estados a imitarlo. EE.UU. no necesita hacerlo, los métodos actuales de simulación son suficientes. Por lo tanto reanudarlos sería únicamente una decisión política para demostrar fuerza y amenaza”.

Este escenario es especialmente peligroso en una época del uso político del odio como la actual que no admite refutaciones. No hay conciliación y la verdad retrocede ante la simulación y la neolengua de Orwell. En ese sentido el Nobel de Literatura, el nigeriano Wole Soyinka, reprocha que “no solo presenciamos el calentamiento global. Hay un cierto calentamiento de las relaciones humanas y sociales, así como de la interacción nacional”.

Describe entonces una “inquietante escalada de violencia y una especie de liderazgo demoníaco en la que los políticos declaran alegremente: Si es necesario, usaré una bomba atómica”, y muestran “un lenguaje corporal jactancioso, arrogante y soberbio”. Son los que manejan el mundo.

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Trump’s Senate closer: Republican freshman emerges as key White House ally

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FIRST ON FOX: Senate Republicans last month were able to advance President Donald Trump’s desire to clawback billions in federal spending, an effort carried to fruition for the first time in nearly three decades by a first-term senator.

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While the effort to slash funding to NPR, PBS and foreign aid was born in the White House, it was executed thanks in large part to Sen. Eric Schmitt, R-Mo.

Schmitt, who was first elected to the Senate in 2022, has become an envoy of sorts for Trump’s agenda in the upper chamber. He has a strong relationship with the president that dates back to his first campaign, which has developed into a regular invite to join Trump for rounds of golf.

‘LONG OVERDUE’: SENATE REPUBLICANS RAM THROUGH TRUMP’S CLAWBACK PACKAGE WITH CUTS TO FOREIGN AID, NPR

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Senator Eric Schmitt, a Republican from Missouri, during a campaign event with former President Donald Trump, not pictured, at the Fiserv Forum in Milwaukee on Nov. 1, 2024.  (Jim Vondruska)

He’s launched probes against former President Joe Biden’s alleged mental decline, helped smooth over concerns during passage of Trump’s «big, beautiful bill» and contends that «intuitively» he understands the president’s America First message. 

And his role in bridging the gap between the White House and the Senate, along with negotiating among his conference to get the $9 billion package across the line, has seen his stock rise immensely within the Senate GOP.

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But, in an interview with Fox News Digital, he said his entire goal is to just be helpful.

«I think I approach it with that kind of humility,» Schmitt said. «But I also, I want to be successful, and I want the agenda to move forward. I think it’s really important. Being on the golf course with President Trump is a great honor, and we have a lot of fun. He’s a very good golfer.»

Schmitt, who previously served as Missouri’s attorney general before launching a bid for the Senate, regularly clashed with the Biden administration and said that his role of rebuking lockdowns, vaccine mandates, censorship and mass migration informed how he currently views legislating.

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SENATE TO DEBATE TRUMP’S $9B CLAWBACK BILL AFTER DRAMATIC LATE-NIGHT VOTES

Trump takes a golf swing in Aberdeen, Scotland

President Donald Trump tees off during the opening ceremony for the Trump International Golf Links golf course, near Aberdeen, Scotland, on July 29, 2025.  (AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin)

«My job was to stand in the gap and fight back, with the hopes that President Trump would return,» he said.

Trump endorsed Schmitt in 2022, and in return the lawmaker became one of the first senators to back his reelection campaign the following year. That turned into Schmitt becoming a mainstay on the campaign trail, jetting across the country in Trump Force One where «Big Macs and double cheeseburgers and quarter pounders with cheese» flowed.

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And when Trump won, Schmitt had the opportunity to leave the Senate and join the administration as attorney general, but he opted to stay in the upper chamber.

Had he jumped ship, Trump’s recissions package may not have been able to pass muster with the Senate GOP, where appropriators raised concerns about the impact that clawing back already agreed-upon spending would have on the government funding process and others raised issues with the funding that was targeted.

«This wouldn’t have happened without Eric Schmitt,» Sen. Katie Britt, R-Ala., told Fox News Digital. 

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Britt was part of the same 2022 class of freshman senators as Schmitt, which included other notable Republicans, like Sen. Markwayne Mullin, R-Okla., and Vice President J.D. Vance.

She said Schmitt’s leadership on the rescissions package, like listening to lawmakers’ concerns and negotiations with Senate Appropriations Committee Chair Susan Collins, R-Maine, to take the lead on the package, led to a final product that could actually pass in the diverse Senate GOP.

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Sen. Katie Britt, R-Ala.

Sen. Katie Britt talks to reporters following the weekly Senate Republican Caucus policy luncheon at the U.S. Capitol on January 14, 2025, in Washington. (Chip Somodevilla)

Indeed, Schmitt agreed to allow as many amendments to the bill as lawmakers wanted and included his own change to the clawback that would save funding for global AIDS and HIV prevention — a key change that helped bring more Republicans on board.

«When Eric speaks, people listen,» Britt said. «And he is thoughtful about when he uses his voice, and when he does it most definitely makes an impact.»

Schmitt, however, is more humble in how he views his part in the process.

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«People can label,» Schmitt said. «I don’t get too hung up on any of that. Like for me, honestly, I feel fortunate to be in the position that I’m in. There’s really not a lot of daylight between the President’s agenda and the things that I support.»

Still, he was hopeful that another recissions package would come, describing it as «a good exercise for us,» but noted that the timing for the remaining fiscal year would be tricky given the GOP’s continued push to blast through Democrats’ blockade on nominees and the looming government funding deadline when lawmakers return after Labor Day.

But getting the first one done was key to opening the door for more.

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«I think that was also part of what was on the line,» he said. «When we were, you know, in the middle of the night, trying to make sure we had the votes, was that we have to prove that we have the ability to do it. And once you do it, there’s muscle memory associated with that. There’s a cultural shift in how we view things.»

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However, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., has demanded that Republicans commit to a bipartisan appropriations process and eschew further rescissions packages.

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Should another come from the White House in the waning days of this fiscal year, it could spell trouble in Congress’ bid to avert a partial government shutdown by Sept. 30.

«I really think it would be a bad idea for Republicans to alter our course of action based on what Democrat threats are,» Schmitt said. «At the end of the day, they’re an obstructionist party without a message, without a messenger.» 

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Trump’s deadline on secondary tariffs arrives; US-Russian relations hang in the balance

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President Donald Trump is preparing to announce new secondary tariffs Friday on nations who conduct trade with Russia amid its deadly war in Ukraine. 

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The White House has remained tight-lipped on what those tariffs will look like after the president first said in July they would amount to «100%» tariffs before causing confusion earlier this week when he told reporters he «never said a percentage.»

While the specifics of what tax rates nations that trade with Russia could face remain unclear, Trump’s change in posture toward Russian President Vladimir Putin has become increasingly evident. 

President Donald Trump, right, meets Russian President Vladimir Putin on the first day of the G20 summit in Osaka, Japan, June 28, 2019. (Kremlin Press Office/Handout/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images)

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FROM TALK TO TACTICS: TRUMP PIVOTS ON RUSSIA STRATEGY TO END WAR

«Trump’s frustrated that the Russians have not taken advantage of his patience and generous offers, but it’s very interesting that even after Trump announced he was moving submarines, and even after he announced the tough tariffs, the Russians still want to talk to him,» Fred Fleitz, who served as a deputy assistant to Trump and chief of staff of the National Security Council during the president’s first term, told Fox News Digital.

«Putin does not want to anger Trump,» he added. «Putin never worried about angering Biden, and I think that this shows a degree of respect. 

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«It shows what Trump has achieved by exercising leadership on the global stage. And we’ll see what happens,» Fleitz said, adding he hoped it was not merely a stalling tactic by Putin.

Trump’s return to the White House brought with it a sense of shock as he appeared to distance Washington from its top allies in Europe in favor of attempting to improve diplomatic relations with Putin, culminating in the infamous Oval Office showdown with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in February. 

While the tussle brought renewed support from his top MAGA base, who favor ending U.S. involvement in foreign wars, it prompted concern among security experts. Ultimately, Trump’s patience with Putin began to shift, with the president consistently expressing his frustration at the Kremlin chief’s continued brutal attacks in Ukraine. 

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In mid-July, while sitting next to NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, Trump announced Putin had 50 days to enter into a ceasefire or face «very severe» tariffs that would affect Moscow’s top commodity, oil. 

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President Donald Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy meet in the Oval Office of the White House Feb. 28, 2025, in Washington, D.C.  (Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)

ZELENSKYY TELLS PUTIN TO ‘BE BRAVE’ AND FINALLY AGREE TO TRILATERAL MEETING WITH TRUMP

«Tariffs at about 100%, you’d call them secondary tariffs,» he had said, indicating that nations that trade with Russia will see 100% tariffs slapped on them when trading with the U.S. 

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This would most greatly affect China and India, according to data released by the U.S. government Thursday, which showed both nations account for 46% of all Russian oil purchases in 2025.

But the U.S. is also the No. 1 export market for both China and India, which means higher price tags at the checkout line on their products will make Americans think twice before completing those purchases. 

After ongoing trade negotiations with both nations and Putin’s continued war effort in Ukraine, Trump last week pushed up his deadline to within 10 days of July 29, forcing a new deadline of Friday.

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But while his promised tariffs were met with applause by some in the GOP, including Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C. — he, along with Sen. Richard Blumenthal, D-N.Y., is pushing the charge for 500% sanctions on Russia — other Republican members have not backed the move. 

Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky., has been outspoken against not only Trump’s tariffs but the bipartisan sanction push and argued to Fox Business’ Larry Kudlow this week that Trump’s tariffs on allies and foes alike will amount to $2 trillion in taxes for the American consumer.

But Fleitz pushed back on this argument and said he is not convinced that the tariffs will hurt the U.S. or Chinese economy, though Russia and India are likely to feel the pain. 

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«I think they’re going to hurt the Russian and Indian economies,» he said, noting that India could recover by buying oil elsewhere. Though some reporting has suggested that India may have saved over $30 billion by increasingly turning to Russian oil during 2022-2024 due to Moscow’s price cuts. 

WASHINGTON, DC - APRIL 02: U.S. President Donald Trump displays a signed executive order imposing tariffs on imported goods during a

President Donald Trump displays a signed executive order imposing tariffs on imported goods during a «Make America Wealthy Again» trade announcement event in the Rose Garden of the White House April 2, 2025. (Getty Images/Andrew Harnik)

TRUMP OPEN TO MEET PUTIN FACE-TO-FACE NEXT WEEK FOLLOWED BY THREE-WAY TALKS WITH UKRAINE’S ZELENSKYY

«It is going to be another factor that’s going to pressure Putin to agree to a ceasefire. I don’t know if that’s going to happen immediately or in a few months, but I think it is going to put real pressure, inflict real pain on Russia,» Fleitz said. 

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Once a staunch Trump ally, Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R- Ga., took to X this week in response to a post by Trump that he would be enforcing tariffs on India for purchasing Russian oil and said, «End Indian H1-B visas replacing American jobs instead and stop funding and sending weapons to the Obama/Biden/Neocon Ukraine Russia war.»

Trump’s favorable transition toward Ukraine and European allies has also ruffled some MAGA feathers, though security experts have argued it has given the president better leverage to take on major adversaries like Putin, and by extension, China. 

Trump and Rutte enter into a new NATO deal.

President Donald Trump, right, and Mark Rutte, NATO secretary general, shake hands during a meeting in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, D.C., July 14, 2025.  (Yuri Gripas/Abaca/Bloomberg via Getty Images)

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«Diplomacy and negotiations are a good thing,» said Fleitz, who serves as vice chair of the America First Policy Institute’s Center for American Security. «Peacemaking takes time, and the U.S.-Russia relationship was in a very bad situation when Trump came to office.

«I think these sanctions will hurt Russia very badly,» Fleitz continued. «The fact that Trump knows that secondary sanctions on India has, at least temporarily, hurt our relationship is really a remarkable sign of how committed Trump is to these sanctions.

«There’s not going to be exceptions. It’s not going to be some type of soft strategy with all kinds of loopholes,» he added. «I think it shows to Putin how serious Trump is, and it gives Trump leverage to negotiate with Putin.»

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