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Pope Leo tours Istanbul’s famous Blue Mosque, declines to pray alongside imam
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Pope Leo XIV visited Istanbul’s iconic Blue Mosque on Saturday but didn’t stop to pray, as he focused more on bolstering ties with Orthodox patriarchs and promoting courageous steps for Eastern and Western churches to be united.
Leo took his shoes off and, in his white socks, toured the 17th-century mosque, looking up at its soaring tiled domes and the Arabic inscriptions on its columns as an imam pointed them out to him.
The Vatican had said Leo would observe a «brief moment of silent prayer» in the mosque, but he didn’t. An imam of the mosque, Asgin Tunca, said he had invited Leo to pray, since the mosque was «Allah’s house,» but the pope declined.
Later, Vatican spokesman Matteo Bruni said: «The pope experienced his visit to the mosque in silence, in a spirit of contemplation and listening, with deep respect for the place and the faith of those who gather there in prayer.»
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Pope Leo XIV visits the Sultan Ahmed Mosque in Istanbul, Turkey, on Nov. 29, 2025, accompanied by Muezzin Musa Asgın Tunca, Dr. Emrullah Tuncel and Imam of Mosque Sultanahmet Fatih Kaya. (AP Photo/Domenico Stinellis)
The Vatican then sent out a corrected version of its bulletin about the trip, removing reference to the planned «brief moment of silent prayer,» without further explanation.
Leo, history’s first American pope, was following in the footsteps of his recent predecessors, who all made high-profile visits to the Sultan Ahmed Mosque, as it is officially known, in a gesture of respect to Turkey’s Muslim majority.
Papal visits to Blue Mosque often raise questions
But the visits have always raised questions about whether the pope would pray in the Muslim house of worship, or at the very least pause to gather thoughts in a meditative silence.
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When Pope Benedict XVI visited Turkey in 2006, tensions were high because Benedict had offended many in the Muslim world a few months earlier with a speech in Regensburg, Germany that was widely interpreted as linking Islam and violence.
The Vatican added a visit to the Blue Mosque at the last minute in a bid to reach out to Muslims. He observed a moment of silent prayer, head bowed, as the imam prayed next to him, facing east.
Benedict later thanked him «for this moment of prayer» for what was only the second time a pope had visited a mosque, after St. John Paul II visited one briefly in Syria in 2001.
There were no doubts in 2014 when Pope Francis visited the Blue Mosque: He stood for two minutes of silent prayer facing east, his head bowed, eyes closed and hands clasped in front of him. The Grand Mufti of Istanbul, Rahmi Yaran, told the pope afterwards, «May God accept it.»
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With Leo, though, even the Vatican seemed caught off guard by his decision not to pray. The Holy See had to correct the official record of the visit after it originally kept the planned reference to him pausing for prayer.
Speaking to reporters after the visit, the imam Tunca said he had told the pope: «It’s not my house, not your house, (it’s the) house of Allah.» He said he invited Leo to worship «But he said, ‘That’s OK.’»
«He wanted to see the mosque, wanted to feel (the) atmosphere of the mosque, I think. And was very pleased,» he said.
There was also another change to the official program, after the Vatican said the head of Turkey’s Diyanet religious affairs directorate would accompany Leo at the mosque. He didn’t come and a spokesman from the Diyanet said he wasn’t supposed to, since he had welcomed Leo in Ankara.
Pope Leo XIV and Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew I leave a doxology service at the Patriarchal Church of Saint George in Istanbul, Turkey, on Nov. 29, 2025. (AP Photo/Francisco Seco)
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Hagia Sophia left off itinerary
Past popes have also visited the nearby Hagia Sophia landmark, once one of the most important historic cathedrals in Christianity and a United Nations-designated world heritage site.
But Leo left that visit off his itinerary. In July 2020, Turkey converted Hagia Sophia from a museum back into a mosque, a move that drew widespread international criticism, including from the Vatican.
After the mosque visit, Leo held a private meeting with Turkey’s Christian leaders at the Syriac Orthodox Church of Mor Ephrem. In the afternoon, he prayed with the spiritual leader of the world’s Orthodox Christians, Patriarch Bartholomew, at the patriarchal church of Saint George.
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There, they prayed the doxology, a hymn of praise and glory to God, and signed a joint declaration vowing to take courageous steps on the path to unity including to find a common date for Easter.
Eastern and Western churches split in the Great Schism of 1054, a divide precipitated largely by disagreements over the primacy of the pope. While ties have warmed, they remain divided and other schisms have formed.
«It is our shared desire to continue the process of exploring a possible solution for celebrating together the Feast of Feasts every year,» the joint statement said, referring to Easter.
The Vatican said in his remarks to the patriarchs gathered, Leo pointed to the next Holy Year to be celebrated by Christians, in 2033 on the anniversary of Christ’s crucifixion, and invited them to go to Jerusalem on «a journey that leads to full unity.»
Leo’s final event was a Catholic Mass in Istanbul’s Volkswagen Arena for the country’s Catholic community, who number 33,000 in a country of more than 85 million people, most of whom are Sunni Muslim.
The Airbus software update doesn’t spare pope
While Leo was focusing on bolstering relations with Orthodox Christians and Muslims, trip organizers were dealing with more mundane issues.
Pope Leo XIV and Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew I ttend the Doxology at the Patriarchal Church of Saint George in Istanbul, Turkey, on Nov. 29, 2025. (AP Photo/Emrah Gurel)
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Leo’s ITA Airways Airbus A320neo charter was among those caught up in the worldwide Airbus software update, ordered by the European Union Aviation Safety Agency. The order came after an analysis found the computer code may have contributed to a sudden drop in the altitude of a JetBlue plane last month.
The Vatican spokesman, Matteo Bruni, said Saturday that ITA was working on the issue. He said the necessary monitor to update the aircraft was on its way to Istanbul from Rome along with the technician who would install it.
Leo is scheduled to fly from Istanbul to Beirut, Lebanon, on Sunday afternoon for the second leg of his inaugural trip as pope.
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Starmer le responde a Trump por Ormuz: «Gran Bretaña no se verá envuelta en una guerra a gran escala con Irán»
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President Donald Trump sent his clearest warning yet to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) on Sunday: Stand with the U.S. for defense of the Strait of Hormuz or face a «very bad» future.
«It’s only appropriate that people who are the beneficiaries of the strait will help to make sure that nothing bad happens there,» Trump told The Financial Times in an interview Sunday. «If there’s no response, or if it’s a negative response, I think it will be very bad for the future of NATO.»
Trump echoed those remarks in a press gaggle aboard Air Force One on Sunday night, returning to Washington, D.C., from a weekend at Mar-a-Lago, saying it would «be nice to have other countries police that with us, and we’ll help – we’ll work militarily.»
«Remember, like as an example of many cases that NATO countries, we’re always there for NATO,» Trump told reporters, pointing to «helping them with Ukraine» even though «between us, it doesn’t affect us.»
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President Donald Trump issued some stern warnings for NATO to come to the world’s defense or face a «very bad» future. (SAUL LOEB / AFP)
«But we’ve helped them,» he added, repeating his comments to the United Nations General Assembly last fall, questioning whether NATO will «always be there for us.»
Trump is looking for NATO allies’ assistance in securing the oil tanker traffic through the Strait of Hormuz for the rest of the world. Trump administration officials have been repeating throughout the choking of the strait that the U.S. under Trump is a net exporter of oil and gets only a fraction of its oil from the Middle East – unlike the rest of the world, including NATO allies.
«It’d be interesting to see what country wouldn’t help us with a very small endeavor, which is just keeping the Strait open, and that, by comparison is a small [ask],» Trump added to reporters on Air Force One. «It’s small because Iran has very little firepower.»
A time-lapse video shows marine traffic moving through the Strait of Hormuz. (Kpler/Marine Traffic)
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Trump remained optimistic that NATO allies will ultimately get on board.
«We are talking to other countries about working with us about the policing of the strait, and I think we’re getting a good response,» Trump told reporters on AF1. «If we do, that’s great – and if we don’t, that’s great.»
The Iranian regime is using sea mines, which it has stockpiled in the thousands, to make traversing the Strait of Hormuz difficult and deadly. (Win McNamee/Getty Images; Eranicle/iStock)
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NATO has long been a point of contention for Trump, who had to repeatedly call on member organizations to reach even the 2% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) spending threshold during his first administration. Current Trump U.S. Ambassador to NATO Matt Whitaker has hailed this second administration in getting NATO to commit 5% of GDP in defense spending.
nato,world,war with iran,donald trump,europe
La reunión Shield of the Americas, recientemente celebrada en Miami, marca el regreso estratégico de Estados Unidos al hemisferio occidental. Convocada por el presidente Donald J. Trump, reunió a una docena de jefes de Estado y dos presidentes electos de la región con un objetivo explícito: construir una coalición hemisférica para enfrentar al crimen organizado transnacional y restablecer la estabilidad estratégica del continente. No se trató solo de una reunión protocolaria; fue el lanzamiento formal de una nueva etapa en la política hemisférica de Washington.
Por años, América Latina y el Caribe han ocupado un lugar secundario en la agenda geopolítica estadounidense. Ese ciclo ha terminado. El hemisferio occidental pasa a ser un espacio de interés vital.
La lógica que sustenta este cambio está claramente expresada en la Estrategia de Seguridad Nacional de los Estados Unidos, publicada en noviembre de 2025: “Estados Unidos debe mantener una posición preeminente en el hemisferio occidental, porque de ello dependen su seguridad y su prosperidad.” Hoy vemos esta premisa convertirse en un principio operativo de política exterior.
La reunión en Miami también refleja una preocupación geopolítica más amplia: la creciente presencia de China en sectores estratégicos de América Latina, desde infraestructura y energía hasta telecomunicaciones y puertos. Para Washington, la estabilidad del hemisferio no es solo una cuestión de seguridad interna. También forma parte de la competencia estratégica global por influencia económica, tecnológica y política.
Este giro comenzó con un episodio que envió una señal clara y fuerte la operación del 3 de enero de 2026 para la captura del dictador venezolano y su traslado a Estados Unidos para enfrentar cargos por narcotráfico y crimen organizado. El mensaje fue contundente. Washington está dispuesto a actuar cuando un régimen estatal se convierte en plataforma del crimen transnacional.
Venezuela no es necesariamente el centro de esta historia, sino un momento clave de la hoja de ruta resumida en “enlist” y “expand”, como lo expresa claramente la Estrategia de Seguridad Nacional de los Estados Unidos. Esta hoja de ruta combina dos instrumentos complementarios: disuasión frente a estructuras que amenazan la estabilidad regional y cooperación con los países que comparten valores y objetivos.
Ese enfoque estratégico se combina con una táctica claramente pragmática. El caso venezolano lo demuestra. Bajo el actual gobierno transitorio, Washington ha restablecido relaciones diplomáticas y ha promovido una acelerada transformación en la industria petrolera. Por ejemplo, la reforma de la Ley Orgánica de Hidrocarburos, aprobada hace unas semanas, reduce el control directo del Estado y permite una participación más amplia de capital privado nacional e internacional. El nuevo marco legal flexibiliza el régimen fiscal, abre espacio para contratos directos con inversionistas y restablece mecanismos de arbitraje internacional para resolver disputas, elementos indispensables para reconstruir confianza jurídica en el sector. El gobierno de transición también ha iniciado una revisión integral de los acuerdos petroleros firmados desde hace varios años para alinearlos con el nuevo marco regulatorio y con estándares internacionales de inversión.
En conjunto, estos acontecimientos son la evidencia de la consolidación de una nueva política hemisférica estadounidense basada en seguridad, estabilidad institucional, apertura económica y cooperación directa con los Estados Unidos. La reunión Shield of the Americas y la constitución de la Americas Counter Cartel Coalition representan el paso más reciente, y más ambicioso, en la implementación de esa estrategia. Todo esto nos pone ante un nuevo momento de la relación hemisférica.
América Latina y el Caribe tienen más de 600 millones de habitantes, abundantes recursos estratégicos, una población urbana creciente y una base de talento joven cada vez más conectada digitalmente. El potencial está ahí, sin duda alguna. Las ventajas competitivas de la región van desde la geografía y los recursos naturales hasta las bondades de la cercanía cultural y los valores compartidos, entre otras. Sin embargo, la dificultad de transitar hacia el desarrollo de la región sigue siendo real. La ventaja es que en el contexto actual, ese desarrollo no es solo un interés regional. Es también un interés estratégico para Estados Unidos y para la estabilidad del hemisferio.
La pregunta ya no es si América Latina y el Caribe tienen potencial para desarrollarse. La pregunta es si sus países serán capaces de construir las instituciones, la infraestructura y las alianzas necesarias para aprovechar el momento estratégico que el hemisferio tiene hoy frente a sí.
Después de décadas en las que Washington minimizó la importancia de la región, hoy se encuentra de regreso en su agenda estratégica. Y esta vez, todo indica que Estados Unidos actuará en consecuencia.
*El autor es empresario, estratega político y exdirector de Políticas Públicas de la Casa Blanca. Es el Director Fundador del Adam Smith Center for Economic Freedom de la Florida International University.
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