INTERNACIONAL
Can the Trump administration deport green card holders? Here’s what rights they have in the US
The Trump administration is targeting international students with student visas and permanent residents who hold a green card as part of its immigration crackdown.
And while green card holders may legally remain in the U.S. indefinitely, work in the country, and are protected by U.S. laws, the Trump administration has made clear that the demographic is not off limits from its mass-deportation agenda.
Can the federal government deport those who are green card holders and are here in the U.S. legally?
Yes. According to U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, green card holders are only protected if they «do not commit any actions that would make you removable under immigration law.»
Green card holders are «required to obey all laws of the United States and localities,» file taxes annually, register for the draft if the green card holder is a male between the ages of 18 and 25, and are also «expected to support the democratic form of government,» per U.S. Citizenship and Immigraion Services.
Should a green card holder violate certain provisions included in the Immigration and Nationality Act, they could face deportation.
LAWYERS FOR COLUMBIA ANTI-ISRAEL ACTIVIST MAHMOUD KHALIL BLAST RUBIO EVIDENCE LETTER: ‘TWO PAGES, THAT’S IT’
People display signs during the May Day march and rally led by Immigrant Connexión Empowerment, Community Response Network and LULAC Oklahoma Chapter, from lower Scissortail Park to the Love’s Travel Stop Stage in the upper park, Sunday, May 4, 2025. (Doug Hoke/The Oklahoman/USA Today Network via Imagn Images)
Reasons a green card holder could be deported include the termination of conditional permanent resident status, knowingly helping someone enter the U.S. illegally, committing crimes including rape, murder or fraud, according to Berardi Immigration Law, a business immigration law firm that handles work permits and green cards for international employees working in the U.S.
Other reasons also include committing an aggravated felony, being convicted of drug or firearms crimes, and engaging in criminal activity that jeopardizes public safety or national security issues, per Berardi Immigration Law.
Furthermore, those who face convictions for these crimes may only face deportation after an immigration judge hears their case, according to Penn State Law School.
A green card allows an individual already in the U.S. who is not an American citizen to remain in the country, while a student visa allows those outside the U.S. to study in the country for a specific amount of time at an academic institution.
Eligibility for a green card is possible through several avenues, including being an immediate family member of a U.S. citizen like a spouse or parent, finding employment here in the U.S., or qualifying as a refugee or someone seeking asylum.
TRUMP COLLEGE CRACKDOWN: LIST OF STUDENTS DETAINED AMID ANTISEMITISM ON CAMPUSES
The possibility of deporting green card holders attracted increased scrutiny after U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents arrested anti-Israel activist Mahmoud Khalil, pictured here, in March. (Selcuk Acar/Anadolu via Getty Images)
The possibility of deporting green card holders attracted increased scrutiny after U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents arrested anti-Israel activist Mahmoud Khalil in March. Khalil, who is a Palestinian raised in Syria and a permanent U.S. resident with a green card who first came to the U.S. on a student visa in 2022, played a major role in the protests against Israel while at Columbia University as a graduate student.
The Department of Homeland Security said Khalil was arrested to protect U.S. national security, and claimed that Khalil «led activities aligned to Hamas, a designated terrorist organization.»
Additionally, Secretary of State Marco Rubio said at the time any Hamas supporters in the U.S. would suffer similar fates and have their green cards pulled, and face deportation.
Likewise, President Donald Trump said in a social media post in March following Khalil’s arrest that it was «the first arrest of many to come.»
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But Democrats claim the Trump administration is out of line and the arrest was an assault on freedom of speech. Senate Judiciary Committee Democrats said Khalil’s arrest amounted to «straight up authoritarianism» in a post on X in March.
An immigration judge in Louisiana ruled in April that the Trump administration was at liberty to deport Khalil, claiming she didn’t have the authority to challenge the Trump administration’s assessment that Khalil posed a national security threat.
But Khalil, who is currently stuck at the Central Louisiana ICE Processing Center, has yet to see whether he will face deportation. Another federal judge in New York has blocked the Trump administration from removing Khalil from the U.S. while his case plays out in court.
Separately, the Trump administration is also eyeing ways to beef up vetting for those entering the U.S. on student visas — particularly for those who’ve publicly supported Palestine, like Khalil.
For example, the State Department is also bracing itself to ramp up social media screening for those applying for student visas. The State Department announced Tuesday that it is temporarily suspending new student and exchange visitor visa interviews as it evaluates enhanced social media screenings for the application process.
CONGRESS ‘ENTITLED’ TO ‘REGULATING THE CONDUCT’ OF VISA HOLDERS, EXPERT SAYS AMID DEPORTATION PUSH
Secretary of State Marco Rubio testifies before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations hearing to examine the President’s proposed budget request for fiscal year 2026 for the Department of State on Capitol Hill in Washington, Tuesday, May 20, 2025. (Jose Luis Magana/The Associated Press)
Rubio told lawmakers May 20 that he expects that the State Department has already pulled thousands of visas since January following Trump’s inauguration. That’s up from the 300 the administration had revoked as of late March.
Rubio also said that his agency would continue to pull student visas, stating that a visa is not a right, it’s a «privilege.»
«I don’t know the latest count, but we probably have more to do,» Rubio told lawmakers on the Senate appropriations subcommittee overseeing foreign affairs. «We’re going to continue to revoke the visas of people who are here as guests and are disrupting our higher education facilities.»
Immigration,Donald Trump,Marco Rubio,State Department,Homeland Security
INTERNACIONAL
Durante la campaña electoral, Elon Musk hizo malabarismos entre las drogas y el drama familiar
Reacción
Elon Musk llega al escenario para hablar en un evento cubierto del desfile de la Inauguración Presidencial en Washington, el 20 de enero de 2025. (AP Photo/Susan Walsh, Archivo)Un hábito de ketamina
Secretos familiares
Se pidió a Ashley St. Clair, en el centro, que mantuviera en secreto la paternidad de su hijo. Foto Jason Alpert-Wisnia/Sipa USA, via Reuters“No hay simpatía por este comportamiento”
INTERNACIONAL
Elon Musk’s official role at Trump’s DOGE ends, but his political impact lingers ahead of midterms
As Elon Musk, the world’s richest person, put it, his role in steering President Donald Trump’s Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) has come «to an end.»
However, the president, in a social media post on Thursday night announcing that he and Musk would team up for a 1:30 p.m. ET White House news conference on Friday, teased that Musk would continue to help the Trump administration.
«This will be his last day, but not really, because he will, always, be with us, helping all the way. Elon is terrific!» he wrote.
Musk’s political impact on national politics and on next year’s midterm elections — for better or for worse — is far from over and is likely to live on well past his official departure from the Trump administration.
WHAT’S NEXT FOR DOGE AFTER ELON MUSK’S DEPARTURE
Elon Musk, the world’s richest person, announced this week that his role in steering President Donald Trump’s DOGE has come «to an end.» (Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images)
Trump, after winning back the White House in last November’s election, created DOGE with marching orders to overhaul and downsize the federal government. Trump named Musk, the chief executive of Tesla and SpaceX and Trump’s biggest political donor in the 2024 election, to steer the organization.
«Elon Musk made the most serious attempt at reducing the size and scope of government in modern political history. It was at times chaotic but impactful,» veteran GOP strategist Ryan Williams told Fox News.
Williams predicted that Musk’s «efforts will continue to linger as a political football, but also a guide for Republicans if they’re serious about limiting the growth of the federal government.»
After returning to the White House in January, Musk and DOGE quickly swept through federal agencies, rooting out what the new administration argued was billions in wasteful federal spending. Additionally, they took a meat cleaver to the federal workforce, resulting in a massive downsizing of employees.
Nothing symbolized Musk’s controversial moves more than his brandishing of a chainsaw during a February appearance at the MAGA-dominated Conservative Political Action Conference, where he touted «how easy» it was to «save billions of dollars sometimes in… an hour.»
The moves by DOGE grabbed tons of national attention and triggered a slew of lawsuits in response. Many of DOGE’s cuts in government staffing were stymied or reversed by federal court orders.
While DOGE was originally tasked with slashing $2 trillion from the federal government’s budget, the DOGE website earlier this week said that its efforts to date had led to roughly $175 billion in savings due to asset sales, contract cancellations, fraud payment cuts, in addition to other steps to eliminate costs.
MUSK CRITICISM OF TRUMP’S ‘BIG BEAUTIFUL BILL’ FRUSTRATES SOME REPUBLICANS
Musk’s arrival in the nation’s capital came with a bang.
Thanks to a direct pipeline to the president and his powerful mouthpiece on the social media site X, Musk instantly and repeatedly made headlines with his provocative moves and the targeting of people he did not like, often to the chagrin of Trump administration officials and Republicans on Capitol Hill.
Trump repeatedly praised Musk and DOGE’s efforts.
«The vast majority of people in this country really respect and appreciate you, and this whole room can say that very strongly; you have really been a tremendous help,» the president said during a Cabinet meeting four weeks ago, when Musk announced that he would be cutting back on his time spent with DOGE and the Trump administration.
President Donald Trump, right, and Tesla CEO Elon Musk, a special advisor to the president, speak to reporters near a red Model S Tesla vehicle on the South Lawn of the White House in Washington, D.C., on March 11. (Pool via AP )
However, behind the scenes, there was a lot less harmony.
«People got really sick of him really quickly,» a veteran Republican strategist with ties to the administration and Capitol Hill who asked to remain anonymous to speak more freely told Fox News.
«He was fun to begin with,» the strategist noted, before adding that «people inside and around the administration and people outside» were tired of Musk «by the end, when he’s sitting in a meeting wearing multiple hats on his head.»
Additionally, Musk’s recent criticism of Trump’s sweeping «big beautiful bill,» which passed a major congressional hurdle, did not help matters.
While a slew of public opinion polls, including national surveys from Fox News, indicated that Americans like the idea of downsizing the federal government, those same surveys highlighted that the public was far from thrilled with how Musk and DOGE carried out cuts to the federal bureaucracy.
WHITE HOUSE REVEALS NEXT STEPS FOR DOGE AFTER MUSK DEPARTURE
Musk, who spent nearly $300 million in support of Trump’s 2024 White House victory, quickly became a lightning rod in the handful of off-year and special elections held early this year.
Through aligned political groups, Musk dished out roughly $20 million in battleground Wisconsin’s high-profile state Supreme Court race, in support of Trump-backed judge Brad Schimel, the conservative-leaning candidate in the election.
Musk, in a controversial move, handed out $1 million checks at a rally in Green Bay two nights ahead of the election to two Wisconsin voters who had already cast ballots in the contest and had signed a petition to stop «activist judges.»
Billionaire businessman Elon Musk arrives for a town hall wearing a cheesehead hat in Green Bay, Wisconsin, on March 30. (Scott Olson/Getty Images)
Musk, at the rally, donned a cheesehead hat — a foam wedge which resembles a chunk of cheese — that is traditionally worn by devout Green Bay Packers football fans in Wisconsin and across the country.
However, Schimel ended up losing by 10 points to the Democratic-aligned candidate in what was supposed to be a close contest. Musk ended up getting tagged with plenty of blame in a race that partially turned into a referendum on his efforts at DOGE.
TOP FIVE WILDEST MOMENTS OF MUSK’S DOGE TENURE
Democrats repeatedly made Musk the bogeyman in their messaging in Wisconsin’s election and in other contests, and they pledged to continue to target him heading into next year’s midterm elections, when Republicans will be defending their razor-thin House majority and their modest Senate majority.
«Top of mind for voters are the pocketbook issues. Democrats are going to win by highlighting the fact that Republicans are failing at lowering costs because they are too busy pushing tax breaks for the ultra-wealthy and big corporations, while making the rest of us pay for them,» Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee national press secretary Viet Shelton told Fox News.
Shelton emphasized that «Elon is, and forever will be, an instantly-recognizable manifestation of the fact that House Republicans don’t work for the American people, they work for the billionaires.»
So, were Musk’s potential political risks to Republicans behind his departure from the nation’s capitol?
A GOP strategist close to GOP lawmakers, when asked if Musk’s welcome was wearing out among congressional Republicans, said «yes to a point.»
«But I think the larger question about whether Musk and DOGE are liabilities in the midterms, I would say emphatically no,» added the strategist, who asked for anonymity to speak more freely.
The strategist noted that GOP lawmakers «who have talked about waste, fraud, and abuse, and have talked about the savings generated by DOGE, they’ve done quite well. It’s the folks who don’t want to message on it and have not put Democrats on defense, who are tired of Musk.»
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Additionally, veteran Republican strategist Matt Gorman disagrees with the Democrats’ argument about Musk’s lasting impact on the campaign trail.
«I don’t think that in any way Elon Musk will be a factor one way or another in the year-plus that we have until Election Day 2026,» Gorman, a veteran of numerous presidential and statewide campaigns, told Fox News.
Politics,Elections,Elon Musk,Donald Trump,DOGE,Republicans,Democratic Party,Congress
INTERNACIONAL
Pablo Larraín prepara una miniserie de terror basada en los relatos de Mariana Enríquez
La escritora Mariana Enríquez ha visto cómo su obra se ha expandido más allá de las páginas, llegando a escenarios, podcasts y adaptaciones cinematográficas, y ahora cuatro de sus relatos serán llevados a la pantalla en una miniserie dirigida por Pablo Larraín para Netflix. Según informó el medio chileno The Clinic, el proyecto, aún sin título oficial, se encuentra en fase de preproducción y representa una colaboración entre Chile y Argentina, con la participación de las productoras Fábula y K&S. La filmación está programada para comenzar en junio y se desarrollará entre Santiago y Buenos Aires, ciudades donde el cineasta y su equipo ya se encuentran trabajando.
La serie marca el regreso de Pablo Larraín al género del horror tras su película El Conde (2023), y su retorno al formato de series después de trabajos como Prófugos (2011) y Lisey’s Story (2021). El propio director ha definido la propuesta como una exploración del “terror íntimo”, centrada en los miedos personales y cotidianos, y alejada de los recursos tradicionales del género. La producción contará con un elenco integrado por actores chilenos y argentinos, y se extenderá hasta septiembre.
El guion de la miniserie incluye cuatro relatos de Mariana Enríquez: “Mis muertos tristes”, “Julie” y “Un lugar soleado para gente sombría”, todos ellos parte de su libro más reciente, Un lugar soleado para gente sombría (Anagrama, 2024), y “Cuando hablábamos con los muertos”, publicado originalmente en Chile en 2013 por Montacerdos. Estos cuentos abordan temáticas como la violencia, el duelo, la locura y las huellas de la dictadura, combinando elementos sobrenaturales con realidades sociales y personales.
El equipo técnico de la serie incluye a colaboradores habituales de Pablo Larraín, como Waldo Salgado en la asistencia de dirección, Sergio Armstrong en la dirección de fotografía y Eduardo Paxeco a cargo del casting. Fábula, la productora fundada por los hermanos Pablo y Juan de Dios Larraín, y K&S, responsables de títulos como Relatos salvajes (2014) y El reino (2021), lideran la coproducción. Tanto desde Fábula como desde Netflix han evitado hacer declaraciones públicas sobre el proyecto, y el anuncio oficial se espera para la segunda semana de junio.
En El Conde, estrenada en Netflix en 2023, Larraín transformó a Augusto Pinochet en un vampiro de 250 años, mezclando terror gótico y sátira política en el contexto de los 50 años del Golpe de Estado en Chile. La película recibió el premio al Mejor Guion en el Festival de Venecia y generó debate en el país. El cineasta explicó que la figura vampírica del dictador surgió de la necesidad de representar simbólicamente su impunidad y maldad.
Por su parte, la obra de Mariana Enríquez ha sido reconocida tanto en América Latina como internacionalmente. Ganadora del Premio Herralde de Novela por Nuestra parte de noche (2019) y finalista del International Booker Prize, la autora ha sido comparada con figuras como Shirley Jackson y Stephen King, aunque su estilo se distingue por abordar el terror desde una perspectiva latinoamericana, enfocada en la violencia estructural, la desigualdad y los duelos históricos. El jurado del Premio Iberoamericano de Letras José Donoso, que recibió en 2024, destacó su capacidad para utilizar el horror como herramienta para enfrentar realidades apremiantes de la región.
Algunos de los relatos de Enríquez ya han sido adaptados previamente. El largometraje La virgen de la tosquera (2025), dirigido por Laura Casabé, combina dos de sus cuentos y debutó en el Festival de Sundance. Su primera novela, Bajar es lo peor, también fue llevada al cine de manera independiente a comienzos de los años 2000. Además, su obra ha inspirado versiones teatrales, como Las cosas que perdimos en el fuego, adaptada por Manuela Infante y estrenada en el Theater Basel en Suiza en 2024, así como podcasts, adaptaciones gráficas y producciones realizadas por fanáticos. El fenómeno literario que rodea a Mariana Enríquez se refleja en la respuesta de sus lectores, quienes acuden en masa a librerías y festivales donde se presenta. En 2024, la autora presentó No traigan flores, una experiencia performática que combinó lectura en vivo, música e imágenes, y que se presentó en escenarios de Buenos Aires y en el Teatro Nescafé de las Artes en Santiago, con localidades agotadas.
Los relatos seleccionados para la miniserie de Netflix exploran diferentes facetas del horror. “Mis muertos tristes” narra la vida de una médica de sesenta años en un barrio de clase media trabajadora de Buenos Aires, quien puede ver y escuchar a los muertos. Su don la convierte en mediadora entre los vivos y una creciente presencia de espectros, principalmente jóvenes asesinados que aparecen con las marcas de sus muertes violentas. La llegada de un nuevo fantasma, producto de un crimen ignorado por la comunidad, altera el equilibrio y revela verdades ocultas.
En “Julie”, una joven argentina criada en Estados Unidos regresa a Buenos Aires debido a una enfermedad que no puede tratar en el extranjero. Su presencia en la casa familiar genera tensiones y desconcierto, ya que Julie, con un aspecto descuidado y comportamientos extraños, asegura mantener relaciones con espíritus, lo que inquieta a sus parientes. “Un lugar soleado para gente sombría” sigue a una periodista argentina que viaja a Los Ángeles para investigar la muerte de Emily Lam, una joven hallada ahogada en el tanque de agua de un hotel. Inspirada en el caso real de Elisa Lam en 2013, Mariana Enríquez fusiona el género de true crime con elementos sobrenaturales, abordando el morbo digital y la exposición del sufrimiento ajeno como espectáculo, en una línea similar a la serie Black Mirror.
El cuarto relato, “Cuando hablábamos con los muertos”, se sitúa en la posdictadura argentina y presenta a un grupo de adolescentes que realizan sesiones de espiritismo para contactar a seres queridos desaparecidos. Lo que comienza como un juego se transforma en una experiencia inquietante, marcada por apariciones y una atmósfera opresiva.La adaptación de estos relatos a la pantalla por parte de Pablo Larraín y Netflix representa un nuevo capítulo en la expansión del universo de Mariana Enríquez hacia el streaming, consolidando su posición como una de las voces más influyentes del horror contemporáneo en español.
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No tengo nada que hablar con vos porque seguro me terminás pegando como siempre
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