INTERNACIONAL
GOP push to make Trump’s 2017 tax cuts permanent, say going back would be a ‘dramatic’ change for many
Tax season is done.
And this year, Congressional Republicans converted tax season to «sales» season. Republicans and President Donald Trump are pushing to approve a bill to reauthorize his 2017 tax cut package. Otherwise, those taxes expire later this year.
«We absolutely have to make the tax cuts permanent,» said Rep. Tom Tiffany, R-Wis., on FOX Business.
«We’ve got to get the renewal of the President’s Tax Cuts and Jobs Act. That’s absolutely essential,» said Sen. Mike Rounds, R-S.D., on FOX Business.
Rates for nearly every American spike if Congress doesn’t act within the next few months.
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Speaker of the House Mike Johnson, R-La., talks with the media after the House passed the budget resolution on Thursday, April 10, 2025. (Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)
«We are trying to avoid tax increases on the most vulnerable populations in our country,» said Rep. Beth Van Duyne, R-Texas, a member of the House Ways and Means Committee which determines tax policy. «I am trying to avoid a recession.»
If Congress stumbles, the non-partisan Tax Foundation estimates that a married couple with two children – earning $165,000 a year – is slapped with an extra $2,400 in taxes. A single parent with no kids making $75,000 annually could see a $1,700 upcharge on their tax bill. A single parent with two children bringing home $52,000 a year gets slapped with an additional $1,400 in taxes a year.
«Pretty significant. That’s an extra mortgage payment or extra rent payment,» said Daniel Bunn of the non-partisan Tax Foundation. «People have been kind of used to living with the policies that are currently in law for almost eight years now. And the shift back to the policy that was prior to the 2017 tax cuts would be a dramatic tax increase for many.»
But technically, Republicans aren’t cutting taxes.
«As simple as I can make this bill. It is about keeping tax rates the same,» said Sen. James Lankford, R-Oklahoma, on Fox.
Congress had to write the 2017 tax reduction bill in a way so that the reductions would expire this year. That was for accounting purposes. Congress didn’t have to count the tax cuts against the deficit thanks to some tricky number-crunching mechanisms – so long as they expired within a multi-year window. But the consequence was that taxes could climb if lawmakers failed to renew the old reductions.
«It sunsets and so you just automatically go back to the tax levels prior to 2017,» said Sen. Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa.
A recent Fox News poll found that 45% of those surveyed – and 44% of independents believe the rich don’t pay enough taxes.
Democrats hope to turn outrage about the perceived tax disparity against Trump.
«He wants his billionaire buddies to get an even bigger tax break. Is that disgraceful?» asked Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., at a rally in New York.
«Disgrace!» shouted someone in the crowd.
«Disgraceful! Disgraceful!» followed up Schumer.
U.S. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., (R) speaks alongside Sen. Jeff Merkley, D-Ore., (L) to reporters during a news conference on the impacts of the Republican budget proposal at the U.S. Capitol on April 10, 2025 in Washington, DC. (Kayla Bartkowski/Getty Images)
Some Republicans are now exploring raising rates on the wealthy or corporations. There’s been chatter on Capitol Hill and in the administration about exploring an additional set of tax brackets.
«I don’t believe the president has made a determination on whether he supports it or not,» said White House spokeswoman Karoline Leavitt.
«We’re going to see where the President is» on this, said Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent while traveling in Argentina. «Everything is on the table.»
A Treasury spokesperson then clarified Bessent’s remarks.
«What’s off the table is a $4.4 trillion tax increase on the American people,» said the spokesperson. «Additionally, corporate tax cuts will set off a manufacturing boom and rapidly grow the U.S. economy again.»
Top Congressional GOP leaders dismissed the idea.
«I’m not a big fan of doing that,» said House Speaker Mike Johnson on Fox. «I mean we’re the Republican party and we’re for tax reduction for everyone.»
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«I don’t support that initiative,» said House Majority Leader Steve Scalise, R-La., on FOX Business, before adding «everything’s on the table.»
But if you’re President Donald Trump and the GOP, consider the politics of creating a new corporate tax rate or hiking taxes on the well-to-do.
Sunrise light hits the U.S. Capitol dome on Thursday, January 2, 2025, as the 119th Congress is set to begin Friday. (Bill Clark/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)
The president has expanded the GOP base. Republicans are no longer the party of the «wealthy.» Manual laborers, shop and storekeepers and small business persons now comprise Trump’s GOP. So maintaining these tax cuts helps with that working-class core. Raising taxes on the wealthy would help Republicans pay for the tax cuts and reduce the hit on the deficit. And it would shield Republicans from the Democrats’ argument that the tax cuts are for the rich.
Congress is now in the middle of a two-week recess for Passover and Easter. GOP lawmakers and staff are working behind the scenes to actually write the bill. No one knows exactly what will be in the bill. Trump promised no taxes on tips for food service workers. There is also talk of no taxes on overtime.
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Republicans from high-tax states like New York and Pennsylvania want to see a reduction of «SALT.» That’s where taxpayers can write off «state and local taxes.» This provision is crucial to secure the support of Republicans like Reps. Nicole Malliotakis, R-N.Y., and Mike Lawler, R-N.Y. But including the SALT reduction also increases the deficit.
So what will the bill look like?
«Minor adjustments within that are naturally on the table,» said Rounds. «The key though, [is] 218 in the House and 51 in the Senate.»
In other words, it’s about the math. Republicans need to develop the right legislative brew which commands just the right amount of votes in both chambers to pass. That could mean including certain provisions – or dumping others. It’s challenging. Especially with the slim House majority.
People attend a press conference and rally in support of fair taxation near the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C. on April 10, 2025. (Bryan Dozier / Middle East Images / Middle East Images via AFP)
«There were trade-offs and offsets within that bill that many people are dissatisfied with,» said Bunn of the 2017 bill. «And it’s not clear how the package is going to come together with those various trade-offs.»
Johnson wants the bill complete by Memorial Day. Republicans know this enterprise can’t drag on too late into the year. Taxpayers would see a tax increase – even if it’s temporary – if working out the bill stretches into the fall when the IRS begins to prepare for the next tax season.
It’s also thought that finishing this sooner rather than later would provide some stability to the volatile stock markets. Establishing tax policy for next year would calm anxieties about the nation’s economic outlook.
«The big, beautiful bill,» Trump calls it, adding he wants the legislation done «soon.»
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And that’s why tax season is now sales season. Both to the lawmakers. And to the public.
Politics,Taxes,Congress,Donald Trump
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President Donald Trump sent his clearest warning yet to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) on Sunday: Stand with the U.S. for defense of the Strait of Hormuz or face a «very bad» future.
«It’s only appropriate that people who are the beneficiaries of the strait will help to make sure that nothing bad happens there,» Trump told The Financial Times in an interview Sunday. «If there’s no response, or if it’s a negative response, I think it will be very bad for the future of NATO.»
Trump echoed those remarks in a press gaggle aboard Air Force One on Sunday night, returning to Washington, D.C., from a weekend at Mar-a-Lago, saying it would «be nice to have other countries police that with us, and we’ll help – we’ll work militarily.»
«Remember, like as an example of many cases that NATO countries, we’re always there for NATO,» Trump told reporters, pointing to «helping them with Ukraine» even though «between us, it doesn’t affect us.»
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President Donald Trump issued some stern warnings for NATO to come to the world’s defense or face a «very bad» future. (SAUL LOEB / AFP)
«But we’ve helped them,» he added, repeating his comments to the United Nations General Assembly last fall, questioning whether NATO will «always be there for us.»
Trump is looking for NATO allies’ assistance in securing the oil tanker traffic through the Strait of Hormuz for the rest of the world. Trump administration officials have been repeating throughout the choking of the strait that the U.S. under Trump is a net exporter of oil and gets only a fraction of its oil from the Middle East – unlike the rest of the world, including NATO allies.
«It’d be interesting to see what country wouldn’t help us with a very small endeavor, which is just keeping the Strait open, and that, by comparison is a small [ask],» Trump added to reporters on Air Force One. «It’s small because Iran has very little firepower.»
A time-lapse video shows marine traffic moving through the Strait of Hormuz. (Kpler/Marine Traffic)
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Trump remained optimistic that NATO allies will ultimately get on board.
«We are talking to other countries about working with us about the policing of the strait, and I think we’re getting a good response,» Trump told reporters on AF1. «If we do, that’s great – and if we don’t, that’s great.»
The Iranian regime is using sea mines, which it has stockpiled in the thousands, to make traversing the Strait of Hormuz difficult and deadly. (Win McNamee/Getty Images; Eranicle/iStock)
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NATO has long been a point of contention for Trump, who had to repeatedly call on member organizations to reach even the 2% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) spending threshold during his first administration. Current Trump U.S. Ambassador to NATO Matt Whitaker has hailed this second administration in getting NATO to commit 5% of GDP in defense spending.
nato,world,war with iran,donald trump,europe
La reunión Shield of the Americas, recientemente celebrada en Miami, marca el regreso estratégico de Estados Unidos al hemisferio occidental. Convocada por el presidente Donald J. Trump, reunió a una docena de jefes de Estado y dos presidentes electos de la región con un objetivo explícito: construir una coalición hemisférica para enfrentar al crimen organizado transnacional y restablecer la estabilidad estratégica del continente. No se trató solo de una reunión protocolaria; fue el lanzamiento formal de una nueva etapa en la política hemisférica de Washington.
Por años, América Latina y el Caribe han ocupado un lugar secundario en la agenda geopolítica estadounidense. Ese ciclo ha terminado. El hemisferio occidental pasa a ser un espacio de interés vital.
La lógica que sustenta este cambio está claramente expresada en la Estrategia de Seguridad Nacional de los Estados Unidos, publicada en noviembre de 2025: “Estados Unidos debe mantener una posición preeminente en el hemisferio occidental, porque de ello dependen su seguridad y su prosperidad.” Hoy vemos esta premisa convertirse en un principio operativo de política exterior.
La reunión en Miami también refleja una preocupación geopolítica más amplia: la creciente presencia de China en sectores estratégicos de América Latina, desde infraestructura y energía hasta telecomunicaciones y puertos. Para Washington, la estabilidad del hemisferio no es solo una cuestión de seguridad interna. También forma parte de la competencia estratégica global por influencia económica, tecnológica y política.
Este giro comenzó con un episodio que envió una señal clara y fuerte la operación del 3 de enero de 2026 para la captura del dictador venezolano y su traslado a Estados Unidos para enfrentar cargos por narcotráfico y crimen organizado. El mensaje fue contundente. Washington está dispuesto a actuar cuando un régimen estatal se convierte en plataforma del crimen transnacional.
Venezuela no es necesariamente el centro de esta historia, sino un momento clave de la hoja de ruta resumida en “enlist” y “expand”, como lo expresa claramente la Estrategia de Seguridad Nacional de los Estados Unidos. Esta hoja de ruta combina dos instrumentos complementarios: disuasión frente a estructuras que amenazan la estabilidad regional y cooperación con los países que comparten valores y objetivos.
Ese enfoque estratégico se combina con una táctica claramente pragmática. El caso venezolano lo demuestra. Bajo el actual gobierno transitorio, Washington ha restablecido relaciones diplomáticas y ha promovido una acelerada transformación en la industria petrolera. Por ejemplo, la reforma de la Ley Orgánica de Hidrocarburos, aprobada hace unas semanas, reduce el control directo del Estado y permite una participación más amplia de capital privado nacional e internacional. El nuevo marco legal flexibiliza el régimen fiscal, abre espacio para contratos directos con inversionistas y restablece mecanismos de arbitraje internacional para resolver disputas, elementos indispensables para reconstruir confianza jurídica en el sector. El gobierno de transición también ha iniciado una revisión integral de los acuerdos petroleros firmados desde hace varios años para alinearlos con el nuevo marco regulatorio y con estándares internacionales de inversión.
En conjunto, estos acontecimientos son la evidencia de la consolidación de una nueva política hemisférica estadounidense basada en seguridad, estabilidad institucional, apertura económica y cooperación directa con los Estados Unidos. La reunión Shield of the Americas y la constitución de la Americas Counter Cartel Coalition representan el paso más reciente, y más ambicioso, en la implementación de esa estrategia. Todo esto nos pone ante un nuevo momento de la relación hemisférica.
América Latina y el Caribe tienen más de 600 millones de habitantes, abundantes recursos estratégicos, una población urbana creciente y una base de talento joven cada vez más conectada digitalmente. El potencial está ahí, sin duda alguna. Las ventajas competitivas de la región van desde la geografía y los recursos naturales hasta las bondades de la cercanía cultural y los valores compartidos, entre otras. Sin embargo, la dificultad de transitar hacia el desarrollo de la región sigue siendo real. La ventaja es que en el contexto actual, ese desarrollo no es solo un interés regional. Es también un interés estratégico para Estados Unidos y para la estabilidad del hemisferio.
La pregunta ya no es si América Latina y el Caribe tienen potencial para desarrollarse. La pregunta es si sus países serán capaces de construir las instituciones, la infraestructura y las alianzas necesarias para aprovechar el momento estratégico que el hemisferio tiene hoy frente a sí.
Después de décadas en las que Washington minimizó la importancia de la región, hoy se encuentra de regreso en su agenda estratégica. Y esta vez, todo indica que Estados Unidos actuará en consecuencia.
*El autor es empresario, estratega político y exdirector de Políticas Públicas de la Casa Blanca. Es el Director Fundador del Adam Smith Center for Economic Freedom de la Florida International University.
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