INTERNACIONAL
Argentina’s bungled hunt for Hitler’s right-hand man Martin Bormann revealed in declassified files

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FIRST ON FOX: Multiple documents released by Argentine President Javier Milei last year reveal how Argentina’s search for Nazi war criminals, who found refuge in the country during and after the Second World War were able to avoid arrest and, for the most part, live ordinary lives.
While Argentina’s Peronist government sympathized and often knew of Nazi criminals hiding in their territory – often under their auspices – once the populist regime fell, the South American nation half-heartedly tried to keep tabs on the war-criminals hiding there.
Though while many high-profile cases went nowhere, the case of Hitler’s henchman Martin Bormann is exemplary in showing how inefficient Argentina was in its investigations.
ARGENTINA REVEALS SECRET WWII FILES ON HITLER’S HENCHMEN WHO FLED BEFORE, AFTER THE WAR
Hitler with Reichsleiter Martin Bormann (right) and Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop on the grounds – Aug. 1943 (ullstein bild/ullstein bild via Getty Images)
Bormann was one of the most powerful figures in the Nazi regime, despite his relatively low profile in the public. He used his position as private secretary to Hitler and head of the Nazi Party Chancellery to control the flow of documents personally received by Hitler and who had access to him.
Through enormous administrative influence, he shaped policy and controlled what Hitler saw, who he met, and advised on major decisions. Bormann supported extreme antisemitic measures and was one of the masterminds of the Aryanization project. Bormann disappeared in May 1945 during the fall of Berlin. For decades, it was speculated he had fled to Argentina along the ratlines — escape routes facilitated by Nazi sympathizers. Bormann was sentenced to death in absentia during the Nuremberg Trials.
The files show that Bormann was one of the very few Nazis the Argentinians actively tried to pursue and bring to justice. However, most of the leads came from sensationalist press articles often devoid of factual and actionable intelligence beyond the mere mention that he was hiding in Argentina.
The files meticulously depict intelligence agencies trying to corroborate such reports and assert whether the floated false aliases matched the actual man in Argentina. Agencies followed information coming from reports in the Argentine, U.S., British and Brazilian press, along with some translations from German-language media published in Argentina by the émigré community who were suspected of harboring Nazi sympathizers.
The articles triggered extensive paper trails between the ministry of justice, intelligence bodies, border and customs agencies, the federal police, and local authorities, but were often disconnected from one another, or took a long time to be referred to the various sub-offices for action.
ARGENTINA REVEALS SECRET WWII FILES ON HITLER’S HENCHMEN WHO FLED BEFORE, AFTER THE WAR

Portrait of Martin Bormann, Nazi Party secretary and private secretary to Adolph Hitler. (CORBIS/Corbis via Getty Images)
As a result, multiple similar searches were carried out at various points haphazardly and a tangle of bureaucracy made authorities play catch up to press reports rather than conducting independent and rational investigations. The files are a testament that the hunt for Nazis in South America was shaped by rumor, miscommunication, mistaken identities, Cold War politics and intense media speculation.
Some of the information reviewed by Fox News Digital showed authorities took rumors such as a hunt for Bormann in the jungles of Peru, Colombia and Brazil as credible. A case of an elderly German man detained in Colombia in 1972 as Bormann (later cleared and released) despite voiced skepticism by Nazi-hunter Simon Wiesenthal is also part of the files.

Partial Memo from the ministry of interior about Walter Flegel’s criminal record as requested by authorities who were looking into the whereabouts of Martin Bormann. (General Archives of the Government of Argentina)
The diplomatic shockwaves that followed Israel’s Mossad seizing Adolf Eichmann in Argentina left local officials acutely sensitive to international scrutiny, recasting the search for Bormann as a bid to ensure the country would not be embarrassed on the world stage a second time.
A pivotal—and ultimately flawed—lead in the Bormann files emerged in 1955, when police, relying on fading testimonies about an illegal German laborer, along with rumors, seized correspondence, and aging witnesses, began pursuing a man named Walter Wilhelm Flegel.

Mug shot of Walter Wilhelm Flegel. (General Archives of the Government of Argentina)
Flegel had arrived through Chile, was missing an arm due to an accident, and had been previously arrested and brought to court twice on assault and robbery charges. Suspicions led to his arrest in Mendoza in 1960 despite his complete dissemblance, lack of education, long presence in the country, age gaps and missing factual connections that could tie him to Martin Bormann. Notwithstanding such mismatching profiles — and fingerprints — it still took a week for Argentinians to be convinced Flegel was not Martin Bormann and free him.
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Ultimately, despite continued rumors, and Argentina’s singular resolve in finally arresting one of the many Nazi fugitives thought to be in the country, human remains found in Berlin in 1972 were a match and confirmed Bormann’s death during the city’s fall through dental and cranial records. Later, in the 1990s, further DNA testing confirmed the remains found in Berlin indeed belonged to Bormann, bringing the misdirected Argentinian search finally to a close
anti semitism,south america,germany,world war two,holocaust,israel
INTERNACIONAL
Starmer le responde a Trump por Ormuz: «Gran Bretaña no se verá envuelta en una guerra a gran escala con Irán»

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INTERNACIONAL
Trump warns NATO of ‘very bad’ future if allies don’t help secure Strait of Hormuz

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President Donald Trump sent his clearest warning yet to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) on Sunday: Stand with the U.S. for defense of the Strait of Hormuz or face a «very bad» future.
«It’s only appropriate that people who are the beneficiaries of the strait will help to make sure that nothing bad happens there,» Trump told The Financial Times in an interview Sunday. «If there’s no response, or if it’s a negative response, I think it will be very bad for the future of NATO.»
Trump echoed those remarks in a press gaggle aboard Air Force One on Sunday night, returning to Washington, D.C., from a weekend at Mar-a-Lago, saying it would «be nice to have other countries police that with us, and we’ll help – we’ll work militarily.»
«Remember, like as an example of many cases that NATO countries, we’re always there for NATO,» Trump told reporters, pointing to «helping them with Ukraine» even though «between us, it doesn’t affect us.»
US SIGNALS READINESS TO ESCORT TANKERS THROUGH HORMUZ AS TRAFFIC THINS BUT NO MISSION LAUNCHED
President Donald Trump issued some stern warnings for NATO to come to the world’s defense or face a «very bad» future. (SAUL LOEB / AFP)
«But we’ve helped them,» he added, repeating his comments to the United Nations General Assembly last fall, questioning whether NATO will «always be there for us.»
Trump is looking for NATO allies’ assistance in securing the oil tanker traffic through the Strait of Hormuz for the rest of the world. Trump administration officials have been repeating throughout the choking of the strait that the U.S. under Trump is a net exporter of oil and gets only a fraction of its oil from the Middle East – unlike the rest of the world, including NATO allies.
«It’d be interesting to see what country wouldn’t help us with a very small endeavor, which is just keeping the Strait open, and that, by comparison is a small [ask],» Trump added to reporters on Air Force One. «It’s small because Iran has very little firepower.»

A time-lapse video shows marine traffic moving through the Strait of Hormuz. (Kpler/Marine Traffic)
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Trump remained optimistic that NATO allies will ultimately get on board.
«We are talking to other countries about working with us about the policing of the strait, and I think we’re getting a good response,» Trump told reporters on AF1. «If we do, that’s great – and if we don’t, that’s great.»

The Iranian regime is using sea mines, which it has stockpiled in the thousands, to make traversing the Strait of Hormuz difficult and deadly. (Win McNamee/Getty Images; Eranicle/iStock)
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NATO has long been a point of contention for Trump, who had to repeatedly call on member organizations to reach even the 2% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) spending threshold during his first administration. Current Trump U.S. Ambassador to NATO Matt Whitaker has hailed this second administration in getting NATO to commit 5% of GDP in defense spending.
nato,world,war with iran,donald trump,europe
INTERNACIONAL
El regreso estratégico de Estados Unidos al hemisferio

La reunión Shield of the Americas, recientemente celebrada en Miami, marca el regreso estratégico de Estados Unidos al hemisferio occidental. Convocada por el presidente Donald J. Trump, reunió a una docena de jefes de Estado y dos presidentes electos de la región con un objetivo explícito: construir una coalición hemisférica para enfrentar al crimen organizado transnacional y restablecer la estabilidad estratégica del continente. No se trató solo de una reunión protocolaria; fue el lanzamiento formal de una nueva etapa en la política hemisférica de Washington.
Por años, América Latina y el Caribe han ocupado un lugar secundario en la agenda geopolítica estadounidense. Ese ciclo ha terminado. El hemisferio occidental pasa a ser un espacio de interés vital.
La lógica que sustenta este cambio está claramente expresada en la Estrategia de Seguridad Nacional de los Estados Unidos, publicada en noviembre de 2025: “Estados Unidos debe mantener una posición preeminente en el hemisferio occidental, porque de ello dependen su seguridad y su prosperidad.” Hoy vemos esta premisa convertirse en un principio operativo de política exterior.
La reunión en Miami también refleja una preocupación geopolítica más amplia: la creciente presencia de China en sectores estratégicos de América Latina, desde infraestructura y energía hasta telecomunicaciones y puertos. Para Washington, la estabilidad del hemisferio no es solo una cuestión de seguridad interna. También forma parte de la competencia estratégica global por influencia económica, tecnológica y política.
Este giro comenzó con un episodio que envió una señal clara y fuerte la operación del 3 de enero de 2026 para la captura del dictador venezolano y su traslado a Estados Unidos para enfrentar cargos por narcotráfico y crimen organizado. El mensaje fue contundente. Washington está dispuesto a actuar cuando un régimen estatal se convierte en plataforma del crimen transnacional.
Venezuela no es necesariamente el centro de esta historia, sino un momento clave de la hoja de ruta resumida en “enlist” y “expand”, como lo expresa claramente la Estrategia de Seguridad Nacional de los Estados Unidos. Esta hoja de ruta combina dos instrumentos complementarios: disuasión frente a estructuras que amenazan la estabilidad regional y cooperación con los países que comparten valores y objetivos.
Ese enfoque estratégico se combina con una táctica claramente pragmática. El caso venezolano lo demuestra. Bajo el actual gobierno transitorio, Washington ha restablecido relaciones diplomáticas y ha promovido una acelerada transformación en la industria petrolera. Por ejemplo, la reforma de la Ley Orgánica de Hidrocarburos, aprobada hace unas semanas, reduce el control directo del Estado y permite una participación más amplia de capital privado nacional e internacional. El nuevo marco legal flexibiliza el régimen fiscal, abre espacio para contratos directos con inversionistas y restablece mecanismos de arbitraje internacional para resolver disputas, elementos indispensables para reconstruir confianza jurídica en el sector. El gobierno de transición también ha iniciado una revisión integral de los acuerdos petroleros firmados desde hace varios años para alinearlos con el nuevo marco regulatorio y con estándares internacionales de inversión.
En conjunto, estos acontecimientos son la evidencia de la consolidación de una nueva política hemisférica estadounidense basada en seguridad, estabilidad institucional, apertura económica y cooperación directa con los Estados Unidos. La reunión Shield of the Americas y la constitución de la Americas Counter Cartel Coalition representan el paso más reciente, y más ambicioso, en la implementación de esa estrategia. Todo esto nos pone ante un nuevo momento de la relación hemisférica.
América Latina y el Caribe tienen más de 600 millones de habitantes, abundantes recursos estratégicos, una población urbana creciente y una base de talento joven cada vez más conectada digitalmente. El potencial está ahí, sin duda alguna. Las ventajas competitivas de la región van desde la geografía y los recursos naturales hasta las bondades de la cercanía cultural y los valores compartidos, entre otras. Sin embargo, la dificultad de transitar hacia el desarrollo de la región sigue siendo real. La ventaja es que en el contexto actual, ese desarrollo no es solo un interés regional. Es también un interés estratégico para Estados Unidos y para la estabilidad del hemisferio.
La pregunta ya no es si América Latina y el Caribe tienen potencial para desarrollarse. La pregunta es si sus países serán capaces de construir las instituciones, la infraestructura y las alianzas necesarias para aprovechar el momento estratégico que el hemisferio tiene hoy frente a sí.
Después de décadas en las que Washington minimizó la importancia de la región, hoy se encuentra de regreso en su agenda estratégica. Y esta vez, todo indica que Estados Unidos actuará en consecuencia.
*El autor es empresario, estratega político y exdirector de Políticas Públicas de la Casa Blanca. Es el Director Fundador del Adam Smith Center for Economic Freedom de la Florida International University.
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