Daniel Noboa reconoció públicamente que la llamada “Cárcel del Encuentro”, el nuevo penal de máxima seguridad al que fue trasladado el ex vicepresidente Jorge Glas y varios cabecillas del crimen organizado, aún no está terminada. En una entrevista radial, el presidente detalló que el complejo carcelario está “entre el 35% y el 40%” de avance, pero defendió la decisión de adelantar el traslado de los reclusos más peligrosos por razones de seguridad y prometió que la obra se completará en las próximas semanas.

En diálogo con Radio Sucre, Noboa respondió a las críticas sobre el envío de presos a una cárcel cuya construcción sigue en marcha. “La cárcel no está al 100%, no está al 100%, pero ya está al 35–40%. En dos semanas estará al 80% y se finalizará el último pabellón y las últimas cosas en un mes”, aseguró. Con esa descripción, el mandatario trazó por primera vez un cronograma público de la obra, que el Gobierno ha presentado como emblema de su ofensiva contra el narcotráfico y las bandas criminales.

El anuncio llega después del traslado de Jorge Glas y de otros presos de alto perfil al nuevo penal, lo que encendió el debate sobre las condiciones de la infraestructura y la legalidad de las decisiones penitenciarias. Mientras organizaciones y voces críticas cuestionan que se use un centro “en obra gris” para alojar a personas privadas de libertad, el Gobierno sostiene que la prioridad es neutralizar la capacidad de mando de los líderes criminales desde las cárceles tradicionales. Noboa reiteró que los primeros en ser trasladados fueron “los más malos, los que ya desde la cárcel se pasaban organizando asesinatos y secuestros”.

El presidente vinculó directamente la premura por habilitar la Cárcel del Encuentro con el clima político previo al referéndum y consulta popular del 16 de noviembre. Según su versión, grupos delictivos estarían buscando desestabilizar al país ante la posibilidad de una victoria del “sí” en las preguntas impulsadas por el Ejecutivo. “Era urgente viendo lo alterados que están, porque está ganando el sí y quieren hacer relajo y quieren matar la mayor cantidad de gente para decir que este gobierno fracasa”, afirmó. No presentó pruebas concretas durante la entrevista, pero insistió en que la lectura de inteligencia del Gobierno justificaba adelantar el uso parcial del complejo penitenciario.

Más allá de esa coyuntura, Noboa enmarcó la Cárcel del Encuentro en un rediseño más amplio del sistema penitenciario. El mandatario sostuvo que no se trata de una obra aislada, sino del primer paso de un plan que incluye la construcción de otro gran centro carcelario de mediana seguridad, también en la Costa, con capacidad para unas 15.000 personas privadas de libertad. “Se va a construir otra cerca, grande, no de máxima seguridad, sino de mediana seguridad, para aproximadamente 15.000 personas”, adelantó. Según su diagnóstico, en el sistema actual hay entre 6.000 y 7.000 presos en hacinamiento y varias cárceles que “nunca se arreglaron” y hoy son inseguras tanto para los funcionarios como para los internos.

Noboa describió problemas estructurales en las prisiones tradicionales: puertas e infraestructura que no funcionan, flujos internos que no permiten reaccionar ante emergencias y pabellones donde el Estado ha perdido el control frente a las bandas. Argumentó que el nuevo complejo y la futura cárcel de mediana seguridad buscan justamente revertir ese escenario, concentrando a los internos de mayor peligrosidad en espacios controlados y tecnológicamente monitoreados, y reordenando el resto de la población penitenciaria.

La Cárcel del Encuentro se ha convertido en un símbolo del enfoque de Noboa en seguridad: una mezcla de infraestructura penitenciaria de alta seguridad, discurso de mano dura y comunicación directa en redes sociales. Días antes, el presidente difundió en X (antes Twitter) una imagen en la que aparecían Glas y otros procesados y condenados por delitos graves, acompañada de un mensaje en el que advertía que “pronto llegarán otros criminales” al nuevo penal. El gesto fue leído por sus críticos como una utilización política de los expedientes judiciales, al calor de la campaña por el referéndum.

En la entrevista radial, el mandatario buscó presentar la cárcel no solo como un símbolo, sino como una respuesta funcional a la violencia que ha sacudido al país en los últimos años. Su narrativa conecta la construcción acelerada del penal con otros elementos de política pública, como los decretos de estado de excepción, las operaciones contra la minería ilegal y la cooperación internacional en seguridad. A la vez, insiste en que la actual Constitución —que él pretende reformar a través de una Asamblea Constituyente si triunfa el “sí”— “beneficia a los criminales” y limita la acción de las fuerzas del orden.

«Voluntad política»

Astronautas en la Estación Espacial Internacional. Foto: EFE

Modelo económico

La cápsula Crew Dragon. Foto: Reuters

La estación EEI, y la Tierra de fondo. Foto: AP

Multiple documents featuring some of the worst Nazi war criminals were released and declassified earlier this year by Argentine President Javier Milei. The more than 1,850 documents comprise thousands of pages detailing the South American country’s efforts to track and verify the whereabouts of thousands of Nazis who fled Europe after World War II.

The catalyst for the effort came from the Senate Judiciary Committee and Chairman Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, who was credited by the Simon Wiesenthal Center for his efforts in getting Milei to release the documents. 

Most of the materials relate to investigations carried out between the late 1950s and the 1980s and were digitized and made available on the nation’s General Archive website, along with secret, declassified presidential decrees from 1957 to 2005. 

The original batch of documents released online is divided into seven large files roughly centered around the main Nazi criminals covered in them. There are multiple documents related to Adolf Eichmann, the engineer of the «Final Solution,» the plan for the extermination of European Jewry. He lived under the name Ricardo Klement around Buenos Aires until being captured by Mossad agents on Argentine soil and taken in a secret operation to stand trial in Jerusalem in 1960.

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Eichmann’s case features prominently in the files and there is contradicting evidence that the leftist, populist government of Juan Perón not only knew Eichmann was in the country but also made efforts to protect him.

Multiple documents also exist detailing the lives of Josef Mengele, the «angel of death» doctor from Auschwitz-Birkenau camps who lived in Argentina and escaped to Paraguay and Brazil, where he died in 1979.

Documents detailing the hunt for Martin Bormann, Hitler’s lieutenant and right-hand man, as well as Croatian murderer, Ante Pavelic, deputy führer and defector Rudolf Hoess and the so-called «butcher of Lyon,» Klaus Barbie, received special attention in the files.

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Three SS officers socialize on the grounds of the SS retreat outside of Auschwitz, 1944. From left to right they are: Richard Baer (commandant of Auschwitz), Dr. Josef Mengele and Rudolf Hoess (the former Auschwitz commandant). Mengele escaped to Argentina, later escaping to Paraguay and Brazil. (Universal History Archive/Universal Images Group via Getty Images)

According to Harley Lippman, a member of the United States Commission for the Preservation of America’s Heritage Abroad and a board member of the European Jewish Association, the relevance of the release of the Argentinian documents cannot be understated.

«There are numerous questions that these documents can bring light to why a sophisticated society, far from the plagues of European antisemitism such as Argentina’s, agreed to hide Nazi criminals and their secrets for so long. What happened to the U-boats loaded with Nazi gold brought to the country and given to the authorities?» he asked.

«On the one hand, it is shameful that Argentina kept these documents a secret for so long, but on the other hand, we also need to acknowledge the enormous efforts being made by this government to make these documents public. While the historical significance is important, this is more important for Argentinians to be able to confront their demons as a society than for Jews,» Lippman said.

This 1950 Argentine federal police memo, marked strictly secret and confidential, seeks intelligence on Josef Mengele, the notorious Nazi doctor from Auschwitz, suggesting that Argentine authorities were aware of his possible presence or activity in the region at that time. (General Archives of the Government of Argentina)

Adding to the large reveal, in May, while the Supreme Court of Argentina was undergoing renovations and transferring document collections to museums, a forgotten trove of 83 boxes of Nazi documents was discovered almost untouched in the basement of the institution. Upon inspection, the crates revealed documents intercepted by Argentine customs in 1941, sent from the German Third Reich Embassy in Tokyo, Japan, to Argentina’s capital, Buenos Aires, aboard the Japanese steamer Nan-a-Maru.

The documents had been sent as personal effects of embassy personnel but were intercepted under orders of the country’s minister for foreign affairs in order not to undermine Argentina’s neutral position in the war. The shipment became the subject of a probe by a commission investigating «anti-Argentine activities,» which led to the seizure and possession of the crates by the country’s supreme court, where they remained for nearly 84 years.

The finding of the boxes revealed multiple materials intended to propagate and consolidate the Third Reich’s and Hitler’s ideologies in Argentina and South America, possibly in an effort to bring neutral countries under the auspices of Germany.

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The document recounts an Argentine police report describing a German fugitive, Walter Flegel, believed by some to be Martin Bormann, Hitler’s former deputy, living under a false identity in Argentina. It was later proven that the lead was incorrect and that Flegal was not Borman. Earlier this year, Argentina President Javier Milei declassified and released over 1,850 documents detailing Argentina’s efforts to track and verify the whereabouts of thousands of Nazi war criminals. (General Archives of the Government of Argentina)

After opening the boxes along with prominent members of the country’s Jewish community, the court issued a statement saying that «given the historical relevance of the find and the potential crucial information it could contain to clarify events related to the Holocaust,» an exhaustive survey of all the material was ordered.

The contents of the crates have not yet been made public, but Milei’s office has said that once all the documents have been digitized, they will also be declassified and made available.

Argentina’s chief of the Cabinet of Ministers, Guillermo Francos, has previously said Milei gave the order «because there is no reason to continue withholding that information, and it is no longer in the interest of the Republic of Argentina to keep such secrets.»

«Jews after World War II lived a golden age of about 80 years where antisemitism had subsided, at least apparently, and they could be productive and contributing members of society. This has now ended — partially because of the genocide committed against Israelis by Hamas on Oct. 7, 2023, with world opinion projecting on Israelis and Jews the false role of perpetrators of genocide in the war in Gaza, but also by bringing back the same old antisemitic views that had been alive in Germany and before then,» Lippman says.

A police officer stands in front of a cache of Nazi artifacts discovered in 2017, during a press conference in Buenos Aires, Argentina, Wednesday, Oct. 2, 2019. Argentine authorities found the cache in a secret room behind a bookcase and had uncovered the collection in the course of a wider investigation into artwork of suspicious origin found at a gallery in Buenos Aires. (Natacha Pisarenko/AP Photo)

«The fact that many people under 30 do not know or understand [the meaning of] the Holocaust is part of the reason why antisemitism is on the rise again. «The Holocaust was the largest systematic industrial killing of humans in history. This happened only 80 years ago. Young people seem not to be able to grasp the scale of this, but these documents can bring back the memory of what the Holocaust really was,» he said, comparing the propaganda war currently faced by Israel and Jews under a progressive and projectionist guise.

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Beyond the lives of senior Nazis who escaped to South America on the so-called «ratlines»—possibly under the auspices of certain local governments—Lippman said the documents could also provide important information regarding the role played by Swiss and Argentine banks.

«The Holocaust was the greatest theft in history. Many Swiss banks [which were the depositaries of Jewish money] would not release funds to sometimes a sole survivor from a family who perished in the Holocaust without a death certificate for their loved ones. But Auschwitz did not issue death certificates — they only issued ashes.»