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Europe ‘literally being flooded with cocaine’ as narco-subs evade detection crossing Atlantic
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As the U.S. ramps up attacks on alleged drug-trafficking boats, blowing up vessels and killing their crews, American allies across the Atlantic are waging their own at-sea fights with suspected narcotics smugglers.
«Europe is literally being flooded with cocaine,» Artur Vaz, Portugal’s narcotics police chief, told Fox News.
«Criminal organizations… acquire the drugs in Latin America, and then the price at which they place it in the markets… there’s a big profit margin here,» said Vaz, director of the National Unit for Combating Drug Trafficking at Portugal’s Judiciary Police.
The drugs come over in cargo ships, high-speed boats and, increasingly, low-budget, semi-submersible vessels known colloquially as «narco-subs.» These boats sail largely undetected with only the top of the craft visible — often painted, researchers say, in steely blues and grays to blend in with the stormy Atlantic waves and evade surveillance efforts.
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Spanish police chase a high-speed boat carrying suspected drug smugglers in footage released by the Guardia Civil. (Guardia Civil via Storyful)
Portuguese authorities scored a notable capture this fall, intercepting a narco-sub in the mid-Atlantic with 1.7 metric tons of cocaine on board. But European authorities acknowledge that many others are making it past their defenses.
«The interdiction rates for these subs is between 10%, roughly, and maybe as low as 5%,» said Sam Woolston, a Honduras-based investigative journalist specializing in organized crime.
«Even if one or two get nabbed by the authorities, it’s not enough to dissuade them.»
European authorities mostly choose to intercept narco boats, stopping far short of the Trump administration’s policy of destroying them. Instead, the often low-rung crews are detained for interrogation, in the hope of shedding light on shady drug kingpins, gang operations and distribution networks.
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Officials tell Fox News, though, that they would like to do more.
«We must be more muscular — that is, with greater means and a greater capacity for intervention,» said Vaz. «But, of course, within the rule of law.»
As for the narco-subs, those vessels aren’t new, but they never used to cross oceans.
«It’s mind-boggling, the level of sophistication,» Derek Maltz, a former acting chief of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration, told Fox News.
Portuguese police inspect the scene after capturing a narco-sub in March 2025, authorities said. (Policia Judiciaria.)
«But it’s all about the money, and it’s all about the risk, and right now I don’t think these networks perceive Europe as a huge risk for them.»
Journalist Woolston says the transatlantic voyage is typically crewed by «desperate people,» given its perilous nature.
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«You’ll be locked up in a very small compartment for days, usually inhaling things like diesel fumes. There have been cases of narco submarines found with a crew of dead bodies.
«The kingpins would not get on these boats.»
europe,narco terror,crime,drugs
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Democratic lawmakers say President Donald Trump’s redistricting gambit is backfiring as Virginia’s Democratic-controlled Senate advanced new congressional maps that could chip away at the House GOP’s majority.
The Virginia Senate voted 21-16 along party lines on Wednesday to pass a set of new congressional maps that would leave just one Republican district in play.
Republicans currently hold five.
To Republicans like Rep. Rob Wittman, R-Va., that’s too drastic a swing for a state that only has 11 districts to begin with. Even in light of similar redistricting pushes in Texas, California and other states, Wittman believes Virginia’s case is unique.
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President Donald Trump speaks to reporters and members of the media at Mar-a-Lago on Feb. 1, 2026, in Palm Beach, Fla. (Al Drago/Getty Images)
«This partisan power grab is not reflective of Virginia. Virginia is a 6-5 congressional delegation: six Democrats, five Republicans. And now they want to go to 10 Democrats, one Republican — 92%,» Wittman said.
«They’re going to disenfranchise most Virginians, if not all of them, that are Republican or independent.»
Despite the size of the change the maps would bring, Democrats believe it’s just the latest continuation of a fight that Trump started.
«You have to fight fire with fire,» Rep. Suhas Subramanyam, D-Va., told Fox News Digital.
«The voters that I’m talking to feel that we can’t just sit back and be victims of redistricting. I don’t think this would be happening unless [Trump] pushed for redistricting in Texas and other red states,» Subramanyam said.
When asked if he thinks the changes would go too far, Subramanyam said he thinks Republicans will have a chance to press their case at the ballot box.
«If Republicans can win over the hearts and minds of Virginians, they will have a good cycle. It’s a very volatile map in that sense, and so I know many have argued that this is actually fair. I would say that it’s certainly a map where, if Republicans campaign well and their message resonates, they can win too,» Subramanyam said.
Since Trump urged lawmakers in Texas to push through a map change in July 2025, state legislatures across the country have explored ways to squeeze out a congressional advantage where control of the House hangs by a two-seat thread.
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Rep. Suhas Subramanyam, D-Va., speaks during a news conference on Oct. 14, 2025. (Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call, Inc. via Getty Images)
Virginia’s map change, on its own, would give Democrats a path to flipping control of the chamber in November.
But the maps aren’t a sure thing. Their implementation turns on pending legal battles about whether the shakeup complies with the state’s constitutional requirements, according to a complaint filed late last year.
On Friday, the Virginia Supreme Court ruled that the redistricting consideration could continue while it deliberates over a final ruling on whether the maps are permissible.
To become official, maps will also require a statewide constitutional referendum. Under current law, Virginia’s constitution outlaws gerrymandering, the practice of drawing congressional districts to purposefully benefit a political party.
Subramanyam said the referendum gives voters a chance to express their will.
«It will come down to the voters. One good thing in Virginia is that people will have a say and can vote on the referendum in April. Folks in Texas, like where my family still lives, didn’t have a choice,» Subramanyam said, noting that Texas’s redistricting push didn’t require a constitutional amendment and was decided purely by the legislature.
Wittman believes the fact Virginia is looking to upend its own constitution should make the reshuffle a foregone conclusion.
When asked whether he sees Virginia’s redistricting question as a consequence of the redistricting in Texas, Wittman said the two situations differ because of existing state law.
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Sen. Phil King, R-Texas, displays a map during a Special Committee on Congressional Redistricting public testimony hearing on Aug. 7, 2025, in Austin. (Brandon Bell/Getty Images)
«Each state has their own constitution as to how they put together their congressional districts. Virginia’s is very clear. A super majority of voters — 66% of the voters — said we want a bipartisan redistricting commission. That’s Virginia,» Wittman said, referring to the 2020 vote in Virginia that outlawed gerrymandering.
«Texas is doing what Texas and its constitution allow,» he added.
Upon teeing up that referendum, Virginia Gov. Abigail Spanberger framed the action as a way to give Virginians a voice in a national debate over congressional redistricting.
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«Virginia voters deserve the opportunity to respond to nationwide attacks on our rights, freedoms and elections… I trust Virginia voters to respond,» Spanberger said in a statement.
Voters in the state will consider whether to «temporarily adopt new congressional districts to restore fairness in the upcoming elections» on April 21.
congress,virginia,democratic party,politics
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Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), commonly known as Doctors Without Borders, suspended non-critical medical operations at Gaza’s Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis, citing security concerns.
MSF said it made the decision, as of Jan. 20, due to concerns about the management of the hospital and what it described as a pattern of unacceptable incidents within the compound.
The suspension had not been widely reported at the time, and it was not immediately clear when the decision was first publicly posted.
MSF’s frequently asked questions page, where the update appears, shows it was last revised on Feb. 11.
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A Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) poster and other informational notices are seen on a door at Nasser Hospital as patients face difficulties accessing care in Khan Yunis, Gaza, on Jan. 15, 2026. (Abed Rahim Khatib/Anadolu via Getty Images)
In recent months, the international medical humanitarian aid group said staff and patients have reported the presence of armed and sometimes masked men, intimidation, arbitrary arrests of patients and the suspected movement of weapons on hospital grounds.
«While none of these incidents occurred in parts of the hospital compound where MSF works, they pose serious security threats to our teams and patients,» MSF wrote on its website.
«MSF formally expressed its strong concern to relevant authorities and emphasized the incompatibility of such violations with our medical mission. Hospitals must remain neutral, civilian spaces, free from military presence or activity, to ensure the safe and impartial delivery of medical care,» the group continued. «MSF calls on all armed groups, Hamas, and Israeli forces to respect medical facilities and ensure the protection of civilians.»
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Palestinian children receive medical treatment at Nasser Hospital amid a rise in influenza and respiratory infections in Khan Yunis, Gaza, on Jan. 14, 2026. (Hani Alshaer/Anadolu via Getty Images)
In a statement issued Saturday, Nasser Hospital rejected what it called «false, unsubstantiated, and misleading allegations» by MSF regarding the presence of weapons or armed groups inside the facility.
«These allegations are factually incorrect, irresponsible, and pose a serious risk to a protected civilian medical facility. The Gaza Strip is under an extreme and prolonged state of emergency resulting from systematic attacks on civilian institutions,» it said. «Under these conditions, isolated unlawful actions by uncontrolled individuals and groups have occurred across society, including attempts by some to carry weapons.»
Hospital officials said a civilian police presence had been arranged to help safeguard patients, staff and infrastructure and called on MSF to retract its claims and reaffirm its commitment to medical neutrality.
The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) said Sunday on X that it has intelligence indicating Hamas is using Nasser Hospital as a headquarters and military post, reiterating longstanding allegations that the militant group embeds operations within civilian facilities in Gaza.
Patients are treated in the orthopaedic department of Nasser Hospital as Palestinians wounded in Israeli attacks continue receiving care under limited conditions in Khan Yunis, Gaza, on Jan. 29, 2026. (Abed Rahim Khatib/Anadolu via Getty Images)
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«For over two years, the IDF and the defense establishment has warned about the cynical use by terrorist organizations in Gaza of hospitals and humanitarian shelters as human shields to conceal terrorist activity,» it wrote.
Hamas has previously denied using hospitals or other civilian facilities for military purposes.
hamas,israel,middle east,aid
INTERNACIONAL
La traición, la noche helada y la fuga por la nieve: la historia de la masacre de Glencoe
El 13 de febrero de 1692, la Matanza de Glencoe marcó uno de los episodios más oscuros y polémicos en la historia de Escocia. Este acto de violencia, ejecutado por fuerzas del gobierno bajo el mando del capitán Robert Campbell de Glenlyon, selló el destino del clan MacDonald en las Tierras Altas occidentales, dejando una huella indeleble en la memoria nacional y en el imaginario popular, hasta el punto de inspirar relatos modernos como la célebre escena de la “boda roja” en la serie Game of Thrones.
Desde tiempos remotos, Escocia mantuvo una tradición de resistencia frente a invasores y de luchas internas por el poder. Las crónicas del país registran desde los Caledonios y los Pictos rechazando el dominio romano, hasta figuras emblemáticas como William Wallace y Robert the Bruce enfrentándose al ejército inglés en Stirling y Bannockburn.
A finales del siglo XVII, la política escocesa se vio marcada por la llamada causa jacobita, surgida tras la destitución del rey católico James VII de Escocia y II de Inglaterra durante la “Revolución Gloriosa” de 1688, que instauró en el trono a William de Orange (posteriormente William III).
La causa jacobita agrupó a quienes buscaban restaurar a un monarca católico, y encontró apoyo entre varios clanes de las Tierras Altas, en particular los MacDonald de Glencoe, quienes permanecieron leales al depuesto James.
El gobierno de William III, decidido a consolidar su autoridad, exigió que todos los clanes de las Tierras Altas firmaran un juramento de lealtad antes del 1 de enero de 1692.
A cambio, prometía dinero, tierras y el perdón para quienes acataran la orden a tiempo. En cambio, quienes no lo hicieran serían castigados como traidores.
La situación de los MacDonald era especialmente delicada. Aunque el jefe del clan, Iain MacIain, buscó cumplir la exigencia, se vio perjudicado por la demora en la autorización del propio James para prestar el juramento.
Según el archivo del Glencoe National Nature Reserve, “James solo dio su consentimiento a la solicitud de William a mediados de diciembre; la noticia llegó a los MacDonald el 28 de diciembre: tenían tres días para cumplir el plazo”.
MacIain emprendió una travesía a través de la nieve hasta Fort William, pero allí nadie tenía la autoridad para aceptar el juramento. Debió desplazarse a Inveraray, a más de 96 kilómetros de distancia, y finalmente pudo prestar el juramento el 6 de enero, convencido de que su clan quedaba a salvo.
Sin embargo, la decisión de “dar un escarmiento” ya estaba tomada desde el gobierno, y la suerte de Glencoe estaba echada.
El trasfondo de este trágico desenlace implicaba no solo rivalidades entre clanes, sino también un claro deseo del gobierno de imponer su control sobre los rebeldes de las Tierras Altas.
Aunque la historia suele asociar la masacre a la enemistad tradicional entre los MacDonald y los Campbell, la evidencia señala que se trató, sobre todo, de una operación estatal para quebrar la resistencia jacobita.
“Aunque los Campbell son los más asociados con la masacre, fue menos una cuestión de rivalidad de clanes que un complot gubernamental para alinear a los clanes de las Tierras Altas con el rey William”, detalló el propio sitio oficial de Glencoe.
En la última semana de enero de 1692, dos compañías, sumando unos 120 soldados del regimiento del conde de Argyll y comandados por Robert Campbell de Glenlyon, llegaron a Glencoe. Siguiendo las tradiciones de hospitalidad de las Tierras Altas, los MacDonald ofrecieron alojamiento y techo a los soldados durante casi dos semanas.
“Glenlyon había recibido órdenes de alojar a sus hombres entre las familias MacDonald en el valle, en lugar de impuestos no pagados. Las reglas tradicionales de hospitalidad implicaban que fueron bien recibidos. Sin embargo, Iain MacIain, jefe anciano del clan, ordenó que las mujeres jóvenes y solteras fueran enviadas lejos, y temiendo que Glenlyon pretendiera desarmar al clan, ocultó las armas en otro lugar”, relató el portal History Today.
La noche del 12 de febrero, Glenlyon y sus oficiales recibieron sus órdenes escritas: “A las 5 de la mañana del día siguiente debía atacar a los rebeldes… y matar a todos los menores de setenta años”.
El propio MacIain fue asesinado por la espalda mientras intentaba vestirse. Su esposa fue despojada de sus ropas y los soldados le arrancaron los anillos de los dedos con los dientes; terminó muriendo de exposición. Nueve hombres atados fueron fusilados uno a uno y Glenlyon remató a cada uno con su bayoneta.
En total, al menos 38 hombres, mujeres y niños murieron en el ataque inicial, y muchos más fallecieron de frío al intentar huir a las montañas.
El impacto de la masacre fue tan profundo que, señala el Glencoe National Nature Reserve, “cuando la noticia finalmente llegó al público, tras ser publicada primero en Francia, una Comisión Parlamentaria de Escocia determinó que los asesinatos fueron ‘crímenes de asesinato bajo confianza’“.
Y agrega: “En una época donde la hospitalidad era piedra angular de la vida en las Tierras Altas, este fue un crimen atroz y sorprendente”.
La indignación en Escocia fue inmediata y duradera. En 1695, el rey William III se vio obligado a ordenar una comisión de investigación. La responsabilidad se repartió, aunque la comisión concluyó que el rey había firmado la orden de “extirpar” a los MacDonald, pero solo con la intención de “proceder por la vía de la justicia pública”.
La mayor parte de la culpa recayó en John Dalrymple, secretario de Estado para Escocia, quien, según la comisión, “despreciaba a los Highlanders y particularmente a los MacDonald”.
William III finalmente lo perdonó, justificando que “al estar a muchos cientos de millas de distancia, no podía tener conocimiento ni participación en el método de ejecución”.
A pesar de que la tradición popular culpó a los Campbell, los registros históricos indican que solo una docena de miembros de este clan participaron directamente en la masacre.
El hecho de que los soldados se alojaran bajo el mismo techo que sus víctimas durante días antes del ataque, violando las normas más sagradas de hospitalidad, convirtió la masacre en un símbolo de traición y barbarie.
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