INTERNACIONAL
Justice Barrett opens up about ‘awkward’ start on SCOTUS, shadow docket and more in forthcoming memoir

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NEW YORK – Supreme Court Justice Amy Coney Barrett hasn’t seen The Handmaid’s Tale. But she was well-prepared to be interrupted by any number of red-draped protesters, should they storm in to interrupt her confirmation hearing, the same way they did for her colleague, Brett Kavanaugh, several years prior.
As she recounted in an interview at the Lincoln Center Thursday night, the preparation had been for naught. Her confirmation took place behind closed doors, thanks to the COVID-19 pandemic and the social precautions in place at the time. It also made the lengthy confirmation process and her first days as a justice on the nation’s highest court «awkward,» she said, to laughter. «Very awkward.»
That revelation was just one of many Barrett made during a wide-ranging interview Thursday, just days before the publication of her forthcoming memoir, «Listening to the Law.»
Like her book, Barrett’s appearance proved to be as telling for what she didn’t say as for what she did.
JUSTICE BARRETT DEFENDS JACKSON JABS AS ‘WARRANTED’ IN RARE PUBLIC APPEARANCE
Supreme Court Justice Amy Coney Barrett stands with her husband, Jesse, on the front plaza of the Supreme Court building in Washington, D.C. (Al Drago/Bloomberg via Getty)
Barrett, 53, spoke easily about her family, her faith and the kindness of her newfound colleagues on the Supreme Court, whom she says lent her not only the use of their office supplies and bench memos during her first days on the job, but also temporarily dispatched their own staff to help her answer phones and restock supplies.
«There is an indispensable human element to judging,» Barrett observes in her memoir, something she says is all the more true when serving on a nine-person bench.
«Thinking in categories of left and right — it’s just the wrong way to think about the law,» she said Thursday night to the jam-packed audience at Alice Tully Hall.
Even so, Barrett artfully dodged some of the more polarizing issues the court has faced in the past eight months.
She was demonstrably less candid on questions involving the so-called emergency, or «shadow» docket, the vehicle by which President Donald Trump has sought to temporarily stay lower court decisions that would have paused or halted some of his most sweeping executive orders from taking force.
The Supreme Court has presided over a record blitz of emergency appeals and orders filed by the administration and other aggrieved parties during Trump’s first eight months back in office. Justices on the 6-3 conservative bench have ruled in Trump’s favor in the majority of emergency applications, allowing the administration to proceed with its ban on transgender service members in the military, its termination of millions of dollars in Education Department grants and its firing of probationary employees across the federal government, among many other actions.
The court has sided with Trump in the majority of these requests, prompting a fresh level of scrutiny — and rare public criticism from some of her colleagues on the bench.
The Supreme Court «is at its best when it can review cases that have been fully adjudicated» by the lower courts, she offered, before the conversation moved on.
BARRETT EVISCERATES JACKSON, SOTOMAYOR TAKES ON A ‘COMPLICIT’ COURT IN CONTENTIOUS FINAL OPINIONS

President Trump and Amy Coney Barrett on the balcony of the South Lawn of the White House in Washington, D.C., Oct. 26, 2020. (AP Photo/Patrick Semansky)
Barrett also sought to defend the court as a body that operates beyond the politics of a given moment, and (ideally) outside the reach of public opinion. She noted that public perceptions of what a judge ought to do is, at times, at odds with what the Constitution and existing Supreme Court precedent prescribe.
«I think everyone expects the court to deliver the results it likes,» Barrett said Thursday night. There’s a «disconnect between what people want in the moment» and what the court should deliver, she said.
People «want what they want,» and will inevitably be disappointed by the results, she said.
Like other justices who have authored memoirs while on the bench, Barrett offered a lofty and, at times, idealistic view of the court.
Pressed by journalist Bari Weiss about her majority opinion in Trump v. CASA earlier this year, Barrett insisted that her «spicy» remarks toward Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson were nothing more than an attempt to «set the calibration right.»
«I thought Justice Jackson had made an argument in strong terms that I thought warranted a response,» Barrett said.
CHIEF JUSTICE ROBERTS SOUNDS ALARM ON DANGEROUS RHETORIC AIMED AT JUDGES FROM POLITICIANS

Supreme Court justices Samuel Alito, Clarence Thomas, Brett Kavanaugh, Amy Coney Barrett, John Roberts, Elena Kagan and Sonia Sotomayor attend the 60th inaugural ceremony Jan. 20, 2025, in Washington, D.C. (Ricky Carioti/The Washington Post via Getty Images)
Thursday night’s interview was the first of many public appearances Barrett is slated to give in coordination with her book release next week. It offered at times a refreshingly personal glimpse into her nearly five years on the Supreme Court, a job she says she wasn’t quite sure she wanted when the offer finally came.
Barrett recounted what her husband told her at the time, when she was weighing whether to go through with the confirmation process. Should she choose to move forward, he told her, «We have to burn the boats.»
The phrase, adopted from Alexander the Great, refers to the notion that one must eliminate all options for backup plans or retreat.
It was one she held onto during the confirmation process, when media outlets pilloried her as an out-of-touch and hyper-religious mother of seven, when quips from lawmakers, such as then-Sen. Dianne Feinstein — «the dogma lives loudly within you» — might have rattled her further.
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«To do the job well, you have to have thick skin,» she told the audience Thursday night.
She also dismissed fears of a constitutional crisis.
«I don’t think that we are currently in a constitutional crisis,» Barrett said. «I think that our country remains committed to the rule of law. I think we have functioning courts.»
supreme court,donald trump,politics,judiciary,federal judges
INTERNACIONAL
Crisis política en Francia: Emmanuel Macron nombrará un nuevo primer ministro en las próximas 48 horas y no disolverá la Asamblea Nacional

Un premier sin ambiciones presidenciales
Proyecto de presupuesto el lunes
El debate de la reforma de jubilaciones
¿Y ahora?
Un gobierno de corta duración
Le pen censurará todo hasta la disolución
Los verdes no quieren a Cazeneuve
¿Un premier de izquierda?
INTERNACIONAL
Anti-Hamas Gaza militias reject terror group, declare support for Trump’s peace plan

Anti-Hamas militias in Gaza endorse Trump peace plan
Exclusive video from the Center for Peace Communications shows anti-Hamas militia leaders in Gaza expressing support for Donald Trump’s proposed peace plan to end the conflict. (Video: The Center for Peace Communications.)
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JERUSALEM — As negotiations continue in Egypt on the U.S. roadmap for peace, Fox News Digital obtained video from the U.S.-based Center for Peace Communications (CPC), revealing that anti-Hamas militias have endorsed President Donald Trump’s peace plan to end the war in Gaza and secure the release of Israeli hostages.
This comes amid reports of heavy fighting last week between an anti-Hamas clan and terrorists from the jihadi Hamas movement in a neighborhood in Khan Younis in the Gaza Strip that could mark a sea change in local governance in the war-ravaged area.
Yaser Abu Shabab, who leads an anti-Hamas militia in Gaza, said «We see in President Trump’s plan a path to halt the bloodshed and bring peace to the Middle East.» (The Center for Peace Communications)
The full-throttle support from the anti-Hamas militias for Trump’s plan could potentially mean more trouble for the terrorist movement that has ruled Gaza with an iron fist for the last 17 years.
Three of the anti-Hamas militias publicly endorsed Trump’s peace plan for Gaza, according to the CPC video. Yasser Abu Shabab, the head of the Popular Forces militia in Rafah, said, «We see in President Trump’s plan a path to halt the bloodshed and bring peace to the Middle East.»
WHO IS THE GAZAN CHALLENGING HAMAS RULE, AND DOES HE HAVE A CHANCE?

Palestinians demonstrate in the Shuja’iyya neighborhood in eastern Gaza City against Hamas rule and call for an end to the war. Gaza City, Mar 26, 2025. (TPS-IL)
Ashraf Al-Mansi, leader of the Popular Northern Forces, said, «We, in the People’s Army, Northern Forces in the Gaza Strip, extend our sincere thanks and appreciation to U.S. President Donald Trump.»
Rami Hillis, the leader of the Popular Defense Forces, said his organization and the honorable clans in the Gaza Strip «will exert our utmost efforts and our capabilities to ensure the success of this proposal.» Two years ago, on Oct. 7, the Hamas terrorist movement invaded Israel and slaughtered roughly 1,200 people, including more than 40 American citizens.

Hamas terrorists emerge in a show of strength escorting Red Cross vehicles carrying 3 Israeli hostages to be released as part of the cease-fire deal. (TPS-IL)
«This marks the first time that anti-Hamas militias have proven on the ground their ability to challenge Hamas in open combat and to expel them from their areas. We have seen minor clashes before, but this seems to mark a major escalation,» said Michael Nahum from CPC.
The CPC, along with an American news organization, the Free Press, posted footage on X about the deadly clashes on Friday that reportedly resulted in the killing of 20 Hamas terrorists, including a commander.
AS TRUMP’S GAZA DEAL NEARS, FAMILY WARNS ISRAEL NOT TO FREE ANOTHER SINWAR
According to the CPC, the infamous Hamas «Sahm Unit,» which is «known for brutally suppressing Gazan dissident voices, went to Khan Younis» with the goal of arresting local Palestinians and «transferring them to a hospital for interrogation and possible execution.»
On the same day as the clashes, Israel Defense Forces disclosed that Hamas had built sophisticated terrorist tunnels on the compounds of two hospitals — the Jordanian Field Hospital and Hamad Hospital — in the Gaza Strip. The tunnel adjacent to the Jordanian hospital contained a workshop for the production of missiles. The use of hospitals and medical facilities as weapons areas by Hamas is considered a war crime under the Geneva Convention.

Yaser Abu Shabab seen with members of his militia. Shabab is standing, second to the right. (Center for Peace Communications)
Hamas claims it entered Khan Younis to detain Palestinians who are collaborating with Israel. The al-Mujaida clan in southern Gaza resisted the Hamas assault of roughly 50 Hamas terrorists aboard five pickup trucks armed to the teeth, including with a rocket-propelled grenade launcher. Hamas reportedly murdered five members of the large al-Mujaida family.
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The anti-Hamas militias have reportedly received support from Israel. Nahum said they are growing, and there are now four and probably as many as 10 militias across the Gaza Strip. «For the first time in a generation, we really might be looking at the end of Hamas rule in Gaza,» said Nahum.
There are an estimated 20,000 Hamas terrorists in the Gaza Strip, according to some assessments.
israel,conflicts,terrorism,donald trump,middle east
INTERNACIONAL
“Una voz que incomode de verdad”: quién debería ganar el Nobel de Literatura según la Inteligencia Artificial

En Estocolmo todavía no amanece y ya se respira la conspiración. Cada octubre, un puñado de académicos suecos decide —en silencio y detrás de puertas acolchadas— quién representará la conciencia literaria del mundo. Afuera, el planeta especula. En los cafés de París, en los portales de Seúl, en los grupos de WhatsApp de traductores latinoamericanos, se cruzan las mismas apuestas: ¿será por fin Murakami?, ¿se atreverán con Krasznahorkai?, ¿darán el salto hacia África o América Latina?
El Nobel de Literatura no elige solo un escritor: elige un relato del mundo. Y ese relato, cada año, dice algo sobre el clima político, sobre la sensibilidad estética del tiempo y sobre quiénes —todavía— tienen derecho a decir la verdad.
Este año consultamos con ChatGPT -esa IA que viene escribiendo tanto- sobre las posibilidades de triunfo de los distintos candidatos. Le pedimos que analizara los premiados anteriores y el contexto político y literario actual. A continuación, su respuesta
El premio mayor y por qué
En 2023 fue Jon Fosse, con su lenguaje mínimo y espiritual, quien representó la búsqueda de lo esencial. En 2024, Han Kang llevó el premio a Corea del Sur con una literatura que mira de frente el trauma y el cuerpo. La Academia parece moverse entre lo introspectivo y lo histórico, entre el susurro poético y la denuncia.
Ahora, en 2025, la pregunta vuelve a encenderse: ¿será el año de una voz que incomode de verdad?
Porque el nombre que resuena con más fuerza —y que podría darle al premio su giro más arriesgado en años— es el de Can Xue (残雪), la escritora china que ha hecho del delirio, la opacidad y la belleza fragmentada una forma de rebelión.
La concesión del Nobel de Literatura combina méritos estéticos y resonancia ética. En el contexto actual, la obra de Can Xue ofrece tres aportes decisivos: 1) un desafío a la lógica del realismo narrativo, 2) una exploración del trauma sin moralismos ni melodrama, y 3) una apertura del canon literario más allá de los centros tradicionales. Su nombre figura entre los favoritos de las principales casas de apuestas y en las quinielas críticas de medios europeos y asiáticos.

Frente a nombres previsibles como László Krasznahorkai o Haruki Murakami, Can Xue encarna algo distinto: la posibilidad de que el Nobel premie no solo lo universal, sino lo indómito. Su literatura, hecha de símbolos, sueños y desplazamientos, emerge de un contexto donde la censura y el control cultural son parte del aire cotidiano. Premiarla no sería un gesto diplomático, sino un acto de afirmación estética: reconocer que la disidencia también puede escribirse desde lo irracional y lo poético.
El Nobel, conviene recordarlo, es siempre un espejo político. Después de su crisis institucional de 2018, la Academia ha intentado redibujar su autoridad, diversificando lenguas y geografías. Un premio a Can Xue colocaría en el centro a una autora que no milita, no se exilia, no traduce su experiencia a la gramática occidental del sufrimiento, sino que inventa su propio lenguaje para habitar la incomodidad.
Su escritura desarma al lector. No explica: sugiere. No cuenta: evoca. En un tiempo saturado de narrativas previsibles y de autoficciones terapéuticas, Can Xue representa otra forma de riesgo: el de la oscuridad. La de no ofrecer sentido inmediato, sino forzarlo a nacer.

Por eso su eventual Nobel no sería un premio más. Sería una toma de posición. Frente al confort del mercado y la previsibilidad del gusto, la elección de Can Xue recordaría que la literatura no está para calmar, sino para inquietar.
La Academia anunciará su decisión este jueves 9 de octubre de 2025, según informó NobelPrize.org. Hasta entonces, el rumor seguirá ardiendo: entre quienes esperan justicia geográfica y quienes desean un salto estético real.
Si el Nobel busca una voz que refleje el desorden del siglo XXI —una literatura que no consuele, sino que desestabilice—, Can Xue es la respuesta. Porque hay veces en que el mundo no necesita claridad. Necesita una grieta.
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