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Mamdani’s God Squad: The clerics, activists and political operatives who have his back
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When New York mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani stepped to the microphone outside the Islamic Cultural Center of the Bronx last week near Yankee Stadium, his voice broke as he spoke about «the memory of my aunt who stopped taking the subway after Sept. 11 because she did not feel safe.»
Behind him, a Yemeni-American educator in sunglasses named Debbie Almontaser nodded.
Almost two decades ago, in 2007, she was forced to resign as principal of a city school after defending a T-shirt with the slogan «Intifada NYC.»
City officials viewed it as a call to violence. She said it was benign. Her case became a rallying cry for Muslim American activists who cast her as a victim of «Islamophobia.»
FBI AGENTS FROM ’93 WTC ATTACK BLAST MAMDANI FOR EMBRACING RADICAL IMAM
Now, Almontaser was back, this time as a senior advisor to Emgage Action and a board member of Yemeni American Merchants Association Action, two of 110 political nonprofits, community groups and political action committees backing Mamdani as he alleges «Islamophobia» against him. Recently, when critics questioned Mamdani’s ties to hardline Brooklyn Imam Siraj Wahhaj, she sprang to action, helping to organize a protest to defend Wahhaj. That rapid, coordinated response captured the modus operandi of a network of political operatives and clerics intertwined with the shared mission of catapulting Mamdani into the mayor’s office. Mamdani’s background diverges from many of his co-religionists. In an interview, he said he is a Khoja Shia Muslim, part of a small, relatively liberal sect with roots in India. Many of his New York-area allies are religiously strict Sunni Muslims who practice more conservative interpretations of the faith. But they find common ground in politics. «It’s a sophisticated fusion of religion, politics and identity,» said Mansour Al-Hadj, a Washington-based researcher on Muslim political movements and extremism. «The same networks that once focused on community services are now mobilizing voters and producing candidates. This is how political Islam adapts inside democracy.» Mansour Al-Hadj, a Washington, D.C.,-based researcher on Muslim political movements and extremism, warns of radical forces backing Zohran Mamdani’s bid to be mayor of New York City. (Mansour Al-Hadj) Mamdani’s God Squad includes about a few dozen key players who specialize in painting any critique as an attack on their faith, accusing critics of Islamophobia even as many of them have engaged in strident rhetoric against the U.S., Israel and capitalism. The Original Imam: America is «filthy and sick» Mamdani set off a firestorm Oct. 7 when he walked into Masjid At-Taqwa in Brooklyn and later posted a photo of himself beaming beside the mosque’s imam, or prayer leader, Wahhaj. Zohran Mamdani meets Imam Siraj Wahhaj and Yusef Abdus Salaam Oct. 17, 2025. (@ZohranKMamdani/X) The imam’s checkered past goes back decades. In a 1992 talk, he said American Muslims should elect an «emir» rather than choose between George Bush and Bill Clinton. Soon after, he served as a character witness in the trial of Sheikh Omar Abdel-Rahman, the so-called «Blind Sheikh» convicted for plotting the 1993 World Trade Center bombing that killed six people. «You know what this country is?» Wahhaj said in 1995. «It’s a garbage can. Filthy. Filthy and sick.»
politics,zohran mamdani,nyc mayoral elections coverage,islam
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Hegseth applauds South Korea’s plan to take larger role in defense against North Korean aggression
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U.S. Pentagon chief Pete Hegseth on Tuesday lauded South Korea’s plans to boost its military spending and take on a larger role in defending itself from North Korea’s aggression.
The U.S. has wanted South Korea to increase its conventional defense capabilities so that Washington can center its attention on China.
Hegseth spoke to reporters after annual security talks with South Korean Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back in Seoul, where he said he was «greatly encouraged» by Seoul’s commitment to raising defense spending and making greater investments in its own military capabilities.
He said the two allies agreed that the investments would boost South Korea’s ability to lead its conventional deterrence against its northern foe.
US, CHINA AGREE TO OPEN DIRECT MILITARY HOTLINE AFTER XI-TRUMP SUMMIT
U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, left, looks on as South Korean Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back, right, speaks during a joint press conference following the 57th Security Consultative Meeting at the Defense Ministry in Seoul, South Korea, Tuesday, Nov. 4, 2025. (AP)
South Korean President Lee Jae Myung, in a speech to parliament Tuesday, asked lawmakers to approve an 8.2% increase in defense spending next year. The president said the increase in spending would help modernize the military’s weapons systems and reduce its reliance on the U.S.
Hegseth noted defense cooperation on repairing and maintaining U.S. warships in South Korea, stressing that the activities harness South Korea’s shipbuilding capabilities and «ensure our most lethal capabilities remain ready to respond to any crisis.»
«We face, as we both acknowledge, a dangerous security environment, but our alliance is stronger than ever,» Hegseth said.
TRUMP ARRIVES IN SOUTH KOREA FOR KEY TALKS AHEAD OF APEC SUMMIT, XI MEETING — NO KIM JONG UN REUINION
U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, second from left, and South Korean Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back, center, visit the Observation Post Ouellette near the border village of Panmunjom, South Korea, Monday, Nov. 3, 2025. (AP)
Hegseth said the South Korea-U.S. alliance is primarily meant to respond to potential North Korean aggression, but other regional threats must also be addressed.
«There’s no doubt flexibility for regional contingencies is something we would take a look at, but we are focused on standing by our allies here and ensuring the threat of the [Democratic People’s Republic of Korea] is not a threat to the Republic of Korea and certainly continue to extend nuclear deterrence as we have before,» he said.
In recent years, the U.S. and South Korea have discussed how to integrate U.S. nuclear weapons and South Korean conventional weapons.
U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, left, shakes hands with South Korean Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back for a photo at the 57th Security Consultative Meeting at the Defense Ministry in Seoul, South Korea, Tuesday, Nov. 4, 2025. (AP)
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South Korea has no nuclear weapons, and Ahn denied speculation that it could eventually seek its own nuclear weapons program or that it is pushing for redeployment of U.S. tactical weapon weapons that were removed from South Korea in the 1990s.
Earlier Tuesday, South Korea’s Joint Chiefs of Staff said the country detected North Korea test-firing around 10 rounds of artillery toward its western waters on Monday, shortly before Hegseth arrived at an inter-Korean border village with Ahn to begin his two-day visit to South Korea.
Hegseth visited the Demilitarized Zone on the border with North Korea earlier in the week.
south korea,north korea,pete hegseth,world,pentagon defense,donald trump
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Luigi Mangione: cómo un tiroteo inspiró memes, debates y devoción en la cultura estadounidense
El tiroteo ocurrido en diciembre pasado, en el que presuntamente Luigi Mangione, un joven desilusionado con el sistema, disparó contra el director ejecutivo de United Healthcare, Brian Thompson, en casi cualquier otra época habría sido considerado una aberración. En Estados Unidos en 2025, se transformó en un meme, un movimiento y una prueba moral.
En Luigi, John H. Richardson, un periodista experimentado, indaga cómo ocurrió esto, en un libro que es parte investigación, parte radiografía cultural. Reconstruye el trayecto de Mangione desde abanderado y tecnólogo preocupado por el clima, hasta el denominado “San Luigi” famoso en TikTok, cuya imagen aureolada hoy circula en bolsas ecológicas y tatuajes. La pregunta central del libro es una que Estados Unidos no deja de hacerse tras la cantidad creciente de tiroteos y asesinatos políticos: ¿debemos juzgar a estos autores como asesinos, como mártires justos o como espejos culturales?
Los capítulos iniciales son los más logrados. Richardson comienza con Luigi en una playa de Waikiki. Es un joven programador brillante leyendo historia social y, finalmente, el manifiesto del Unabomber. Luego, el relato se expande hacia la historia de la tecnofobia y la alienación digital en Estados Unidos.
Las similitudes con Ted Kaczynski —con quien Richardson mantuvo correspondencia durante años y sobre quien ha escrito en profundidad— se vuelven evidentes: la precisión intelectual, el desprecio por los sistemas, el paso de la crítica al extremismo.
Pero Luigi también trata sobre el resto de nosotros: el carnaval instantáneo de las redes sociales que convierte la violencia real en espectáculo participativo. Horas después del tiroteo, Internet había producido una avalancha de opiniones, memes y productos, que a menudo reproducían las palabras que Mangione grabó en sus balas: “Negar”, “Defender” y “Depone”. Se percibe algo reconociblemente estadounidense: una mezcla de ironía y desesperación que difumina los límites morales.
Richardson observa esos momentos con precisión. Entiende que el fenómeno Luigi no se reduce a un agravio político, sino que involucra también el placer de la transgresión en una sociedad que vende la indignación como entretenimiento.
No obstante, la fuerza del libro a veces depende demasiado de las propias superficies que describe. Richardson basa gran parte de su relato en material público —hilos de Reddit, reacciones en YouTube, campañas en línea— y menos en entrevistas directas con personas del entorno de Mangione. Se oyen más voces de espectadores digitales que de quienes conocieron al protagonista. Ante la ausencia de estos detalles personales, el resultado se percibe cuidadosamente curado pero distante en lo emocional.
Quizás esto resulte inevitable para un libro escrito bajo presión sobre una historia que aún evoluciona. El juicio de Mangione está pendiente y es probable que muchos de sus amigos y familiares tengan órdenes de silencio judicial. Pero ese vacío lleva a Richardson a apoyarse en la autoridad reciclada de otros, en especial de Kaczynski.
La correspondencia con el Unabomber, que fue clave en los trabajos anteriores de Richardson, reaparece aquí como el andamiaje moral e intelectual del libro. Kaczynski se convierte en el mentor fantasmal que explica la lógica de la revuelta tecnológica.
Falta una exploración más profunda sobre por qué el acto de Luigi resuena ahora, en unos Estados Unidos donde denegaciones algorítmicas de atención médica chocan con la difusión algorítmica del resentimiento y la desesperanza. Sin esa conexión, el paralelismo entre los atentados antiindustriales de Kaczynski y el presunto tiroteo anticorporativo de Mangione parece más asociativo que analítico.
Richardson busca que veamos la continuidad entre los ecoterroristas de los años noventa y los aceleracionistas digitales de hoy. Pero las fuerzas contemporáneas que impulsan “Luigi” (deuda estudiantil, trabajo precario, medicina privatizada, radicalización en línea y las redes sociales) son tanto económicas y psicológicas como tecnológicas. Queda la pregunta sobre por qué estas ideas encuentran nuevo arraigo en una economía de la salud donde el sufrimiento es privatizado e invisible. En momentos clave, el libro sugiere esta complejidad, pero no llega a ahondar en ella.
Donde Richardson acierta es vinculando el asesinato con la crisis más amplia de atención en Estados Unidos. Argumenta que el tiroteo obligó al público a enfrentar cómo el daño moral se ha integrado en la economía de la salud. Relata cómo la indignación por las prácticas de las aseguradoras creció tras el asesinato. Los directivos contrataron equipos de seguridad privados cuando encuestas reflejaron que un porcentaje sorprendente de jóvenes consideraba “aceptable” el acto.
Estas secciones resultan inquietantes e incómodas. Richardson capta la sensación de que la violencia de Luigi desnuda una fibra sensible en la política estadounidense: la impresión de que nadie en el poder escucha hasta que alguien con un arma impone el tema. Recuerda que un sistema percibido como depredador será finalmente enfrentado no solo por protestas, sino por anomia o nihilismo.
Otra línea del libro —la fascinación cultural con la violencia justiciera— resulta alarmante. Richardson documenta cómo la imagen de Mangione pasó de ficha policial a ícono. Presentadores nocturnos bromeaban sobre que era “el presunto asesino más atractivo del año”. Richardson lo llama “la energía de una cultura en cambio”, pero la frase tiene doble filo: también es la energía de una cultura que ha perdido su brújula moral.
Richardson acierta al presentar Luigi como una historia estadounidense sobre armas centrada en el hecho de que un sector importante de la población se siente “desesperado por liberarse”, como escribe el propio Richardson, de la impotencia e indignación ante el statu quo. Pero podría profundizar mucho más en las continuidades y fracturas entre salud pública, violencia política y armas, y las incómodas contradicciones que surgen cuando las posiciones antifuego chocan con los relatos ideológicos.
Richardson escribe con elegancia. Su cobertura del revuelo mediático, los editoriales enfrentados, la manipulación partidaria, los videos de influencers, es precisa y a veces irónicamente graciosa. Pero pese a su pulcritud, “Luigi” ofrece poco trabajo de campo propio. No se percibe el peso del mundo de Mangione antes ni después de su caída. Esas ausencias importan porque son las que distinguen al periodismo del collage.
En sus momentos más logrados, “Luigi” nos obliga a enfrentar preguntas que trascienden un hecho de violencia. ¿Qué ocurre cuando los sistemas diseñados para sostener la vida se perciben como mecanismos que lucran con el sufrimiento? ¿Qué significa que los estadounidenses encuentren catarsis moral en la venganza? La inquietante posibilidad que plantea “Luigi” es que la línea entre protesta y espectáculo, revolución y venganza, se ha desdibujado por completo.
El libro de Richardson tal vez no resuelva la cuestión definitiva sobre si su protagonista es un héroe, un criminal o una víctima. Pero deja una más urgente: ¿Qué dice de Estados Unidos que ya no podamos distinguir la diferencia?
Fuente: The New York Times
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Socialist shockwave: Zohran Mamdani stuns NYC as voters hand power to Democrats’ far-left flank
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The Fox News Decision Desk has projected that New York City will elect Democratic Assemblyman Zohran Mamdani as its next mayor. The self-described democratic socialist toppled former Gov. Andrew Cuomo in a contentious fight for the future of New York City — and possibly the direction of the Democratic Party.
Mamdani, the 34-year-old Ugandan-born state assemblyman from Queens, triggered a political earthquake when he declared victory in New York City’s Democratic mayoral primary in June, pulling an upset over a former governor who was widely expected to win the party’s nomination.
He has since been catapulted onto the national stage, teaming up with progressive power duo Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., to rally New York City voters for his affordability agenda, which includes ambitious campaign promises like rent freezes, fast and free buses, city-run grocery stores and free childcare.
It’s a race that President Donald Trump himself has been watching closely, labeling Mamdani a «100% Communist Lunatic» and «My little communist» — monikers Mamdani has rejected. On the eve of Election Day, Trump endorsed Cuomo and floated cutting federal funds to New York City if Mamdani won.
FINAL STRETCH: MAMDANI’S LARGE LEAD SHRINKING AS CUOMO GAINS GROUND IN NYC MAYORAL RACE
NYC mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani briefly speaks with reporters as he leaves the Dirksen Senate Office Building on July 16, 2025, in Washington, D.C. (Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images)
In the days leading up to the election, Mamdani vowed to use the «bully pulpit» and the judicial system to fight back against Trump’s «threats.»
«Donald Trump may speak as if it is his decision, but this is money that this city is owed. This is money that we will expect to collect,» Mamdani said Monday.
CUOMO CLOSES GAP ON MAMDANI AS NYC MAYOR RACE TIGHTENS DRAMATICALLY IN NEW POLL
Mamdani’s primary success exposed a divide within the Democratic Party, which suffered big losses up and down the ballot last year and has since struggled to put up a united front against the Trump administration without clear party leadership.
Cuomo resigned from office in 2021 in the face of multiple controversies, including several sexual harassment claims, which he has denied. After losing the primary he was expected to win, Cuomo challenged Mamdani as an Independent candidate in the general election, and has since charged Mamdani of being more a socialist than a Democrat.
«The truth is, there’s a quiet civil war going on in the Democratic Party right now,» Cuomo told Fox News last week. «You have an extreme left. Radical left. Bernie Sanders, AOC — Mamdani is just the banner carrier for that movement — versus the mainstream moderate Democrats. They now call me moderate. They used to call me liberal. Now, I’m a moderate because the whole party shifted.»
New York Democrats were reluctant to endorse Mamdani’s mayoral campaign after he secured the Democratic nomination.
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer refused to endorse Mamdani, despite telling reporters he has a «good relationship with him» and that they are «continuing to talk.» Mamdani was arrested for protesting the war in Gaza and calling for a ceasefire outside Schumer’s home in Brooklyn in 2023.
House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries gave an 11th-hour endorsement for Mamdani after months of equivocating. The announcement came the day before early voting began.
Independent candidate former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo speaks during a mayoral debate, Thursday, Oct. 16, 2025, in New York City. (AP Photo/Angelina Katsanis, Pool)
Gov. Kathy Hochul, D-N.Y., endorsed Mamdani’s campaign in September and later joined him on the campaign trail. When pressed about whether Mamdani would endorse Hochul, he refused to affirm his support for the sitting governor.
Hochul will be critical to Mamdani’s plan to raise taxes on corporations and the top 1% of New Yorkers to pay for his radical campaign agenda, as a tax hike would require state approval.
The governor has maintained that she will not raise taxes, which earned her some heckling at a recent Queens rally, when Mamdani’s supporters shouted, «Tax the rich!»
Mamdani has faced a relentless news cycle since securing the Democratic nomination.
Cuomo and Republican nominee Curtis Sliwa, the founder and CEO of the Guardian Angels, have said that Mamdani would not do enough to protect Jewish New Yorkers if elected mayor.
Mamdani refused to condemn the term «globalize the intifada» during the primary, widely considered a call to violence against Jews. He has since committed to discouraging others from using the term.
New York City mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani and Gov. Kathy Hochul hold hands on stage as they attend a «New York is Not For Sale» rally at Forest Hills Stadium, in the Queens borough of New York City, on Oct. 26, 2025. (Reuters/Eduardo Munoz)
Weeks before Election Day, a slate of prominent New York City rabbis joined more than 650 rabbis nationwide to sign «A Rabbinic Call to Action: Defending the Jewish Future,» asserting that Jewish Americans «cannot remain silent» on discrimination against Jewish people and citing Mamdani’s stances that are critical of Israel.
Mamdani, who is of Indian descent, will be the first South Asian and first Muslim mayor of New York City.
Religion has been a defining issue in the mayoral race, as many Jewish New Yorkers have rejected Mamdani’s positions on Israel, including his calling the war in Gaza a «genocide» and his refusal to recognize Israel as a Jewish state.
Mamdani has maintained that he «would not recognize any state’s right to exist with a system of hierarchy on the basis of race, of religion.»
When asked during last week’s mayoral debate if Mamdani has any regrets about his «long-standing» anti-Israel views, the democratic socialist affirmed his commitment to protecting Jewish New Yorkers, as he has throughout the campaign.
Mamdani has a long record of supporting the pro-Palestinian movement, including at Bowdoin College, where he founded the Students for Justice in Palestine chapter.
Democratic mayoral nominee Zohran Mamdani supporters gather outside 30 Rock in New York City on Thursday, Oct. 16, 2025. (Fox News Digital/Deirdre Heavey)
With weeks until Election Day, Mamdani charged his opponents and Mayor Eric Adams, who ultimately suspended his re-election campaign after staying out of the Democratic primary to run as an independent, with Islamophobia for a slew of comments made about him on the campaign trail.
Mamdani also faced criticism for his past comments about the New York City Police Department, including those comparing the NYPD to the Israel Defense Forces and calling the NYPD «racist, anti‑queer & a major threat to public safety» in 2020, among other insults.
«I’ll apologize to police officers right here, because this is the apology that I’ve been sharing with many rank-and-file officers, and I apologize because of the fact that I’m looking to work with these officers, and I know that these officers, these men and women who serve in the NYPD, they put their lives on the line every single day,» Mamdani said on Fox News.
As New York City voters began heading to the polls for early voting, billionaires, including Red Apple Media CEO John Catsimatidis and hedge fund CEO Bill Ackman, urged Sliwa to drop out of the race to consolidate support for Cuomo, but the Republican nominee refused to suspend his campaign.
Similar pressure mounted after the primary for either Cuomo or Adams to drop out to boost the anti-Mamdani vote. After Adams suspended his campaign, he ultimately endorsed Cuomo. Trump’s Justice Department dropped bribery, wire fraud and conspiracy charges against Adams earlier this year.
Republican mayoral nominee Curtis Sliwa is interviewed by Fox News Digital, in New York City on Aug. 18, 2025. (Paul Steinhauser/Fox News)
Mamdani will also be the first millennial mayor of the nation’s largest city.
Such was clear from the early days of Mamdani’s campaign, as he made strategic use of social media, including TikTok, to build a recognizable brand and motivate a swath of low-propensity voters.
His campaign played into the hands of an evolving – and chronically online – New York City electorate.
Scrolling through Mamdani’s social media, his TikTok and Instagram pages resemble that of a New York City influencer. From the film-like filters and consistent fonts on his vertical videos to the cameos from celebrities, including model Emily Ratajkowski and comedian Bowen Yang, Mamdani’s videos regularly amass millions of views.
During the general election, Mamdani’s campaign began collaborating with content creators, inviting New York City’s micro-influencers to a «New Media» briefing, which are typically reserved for mainstream media, and continuing to walk through the revolving door of podcast appearances, akin to such efforts by the Trump administration in 2024.
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Like Trump in 2024, Mamdani centered his mayoral campaign on affordability, vowing to deliver a New York City that voters could actually afford to live in.
Mamdani told Fox News in the final days of his campaign that he learned of a woman wearing a «MAGA for Zohran» hat at his Queens rally, eliciting Trump’s renowned «Make America Great Again» slogan.
«It tells me that no matter what your politics are, you’re feeling the same crisis, and this is a movement that looks to address that crisis» of affordability, Mamdani said. «No matter who you are, no matter where you live.»
zohran mamdani,andrew cuomo,curtis sliwa,nyc mayoral elections coverage,2025 2026 elections coverage,new york city,elections
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