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The Speaker’s Lobby: ‘Whose throat do I get to choke?’
It was a split screen Tuesday morning on Capitol Hill.
One eye on the markets. The other eye on the Senate testimony of U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer.
«Do you think your remarks will alter the markets in any way?» yours truly asked Greer as he walked to the hearing room in the Dirksen Senate Office Building.
«I’m just going to respond to the senators. Be candid as I can be,» replied Greer.
TRUMP TRADE REP TAKES BIPARTISAN FIRE OVER TARIFFS AS DEM LAUNCHES BID TO HALT THEM
The public has heard a lot about tariffs from Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick.
They’ve heard a lot about tariffs from Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent.
They’ve heard even more about tariffs from White House advisor Peter Navarro.
But until Tuesday morning, there was little said about tariffs from the man in charge of the administration’s trade policy: Jamieson Greer.
All eyes were on two things Tuesday morning — the stock market and Trade Representative Jamieson Greer. (AP/Getty Images)
«The president’s strategy is already bearing fruit,» Greer testified. «Nearly 50 countries have approached me personally to discuss the president’s new policy and explore how to achieve reciprocity.»
Democrats were dubious about Greer’s suggestion. Yes, nations may be willing to negotiate. But carving out sophisticated trade agreements with nations just sanctioned by the U.S. takes time.
«You’re telling us you have nearly 50 countries coming to you, approaching you to enter into negotiation, and you think that you can do that overnight?» asked Sen. Catherine Cortez Masto, D-Nev. «You’re pretty superhuman here, if that’s the case.»
TRUMP TRADE CHIEF FACES HOUSE GRILLING ON TARIFFS
Greer tangled with Sen. Maggie Hassan, D-N.H.
«Even if inflation hits Americans’ pocketbooks at 10% because of these tariffs, then the Trump administration is still going to go charging ahead?» asked Hassan.
«Senator, your hypotheticals are not consistent with the history we have seen with tariffs,» Greer replied.
Greer got the third degree from members of Congress on both sides of the political aisle. (Kayla Bartkowski/Getty Images)
«My hypotheticals are based on the fact that a lot of Americans are looking at their 401(k)’s today and wondering how much of a lifestyle change they are going to have to have or whether they’re going to be able to retire when they plan to,» Hassan shot back. «This has been a haphazard, incompetent effort. And it’s showing.»
After rough showings, the markets actually shot up at the opening bell Tuesday before Greer spoke. It didn’t appear that anything Greer told senators resonated positively or negatively on Wall Street. But lawmakers were well attuned to the market fluctuations.
Especially as they started to hear from constituents.
TRUMP SAYS HE’LL ‘TAKE A LOOK’ AT EXEMPTING SOME LARGER US COMPANIES HIT ESPECIALLY HARD BY TARIFFS
Outside the hearing room, Sen. John Kennedy, R-La., offered one of his signature Bayou homilies to characterize the unfolding trade war.
«God created the world. But everything else is made in China,» said Kennedy.
«But senator, isn’t the bigger issue here the question of the uncertainty in the markets and rattling around?» I asked Kennedy.
«Well, there’s always uncertainty,» answered Kennedy.
«But this is a different type of uncertainty, though, Senator,» I countered.
«Is it going to have to have an impact on your capital markets? Well, yes. Duh. And it’s not fun. It’s very, very painful. Whether this will have a happy ending or a sad ending depends in large part what President Trump does next,» said Kennedy.
Sen. John Kennedy, R-La., acknowledged the fate of the market lies largely in the hands of President Trump and whatever his administration does next. (Eric Lee/Bloomberg via Getty Images)
And that’s the key to the entire enterprise. It doesn’t matter what Lutnick does. Or Bessent. Or Navarro. And not Greer. For better or worse, this is President Trump’s baby. Only he can move markets. And potentially trade deals. And that’s certainly what unfolded in recent days.
Democrats — and some Republicans — excoriated the president for unilaterally imposing the tariffs. Lawmakers asked the reasoning for imposing the tariffs. And they argued that the tariffs should have been an issue which came to Capitol Hill.
«Where was the consultation with Congress about this? Where is the homework? You know, Greek and Roman letters thrown on a plaque doesn’t mean a strategy that you’ve informed Congress on,» Sen. Maria Cantwell, D-Wash., the top Democrat on the Senate Commerce Committee, asked. «And part of the question is, where’s the homework done by the administration to not misconstrue the authority that was given?»
SCHUMER SAYS TRUMP ‘FEELING THE HEAT’ AFTER RECIPROCAL TARIFF PAUSE
Cantwell may not have received a sufficient answer from the Trump administration on the rationale. But Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., answered the other part of the question about why the President cut Congress out of the loop.
«Let’s not pretend that this is anything other than the president exercising the statutory authority Congress has given him for decades,» said Hawley. «Because Congress didn’t want to do tariffs, they didn’t want to do trade, it was too hot. They wanted the president to hold the hot potato. So now you’ve got a President who’s happy to do that.»
Article I, Section 8 of the Constitution declares that Congress has the «Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States.»
«Let’s not pretend that this is anything other than the president exercising the statutory authority Congress has given him for decades,» Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., said of Trump’s imposition of tariffs. (Win McNamee/Getty Images)
The Office of the U.S. Trade Representative says the U.S. is a signatory to more than 14 total trade pacts. Congress has ratified several of those in recent years. That includes the USMCA. That’s a trade pact President Trump pushed – alongside former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., in 2020 for the U.S., Mexico and Canada. That deal replaced NAFTA, the North American Free Trade Agreement, approved by Congress in 1993. Congress also greenlighted «CAFTA, the Central American Free Trade Agreement, in 2005.
So, Congress has engaged in trade somewhat in recent decades. But maybe not as much as it should have.
Greer appeared for a second time on Capitol Hill Wednesday, testifying before the House Ways and Means Committee.
TRUMP PUSHES BACK ON ‘REBEL’ REPUBLICANS OVER TARIFFS: ‘YOU DON’T NEGOTIATE LIKE I NEGOTIATE’
«Any deal that you do, are you going to bring that to Congress for a vote?» asked Rep. Suzan DelBene, D-Wash.,
«We’ll do what the law requires. Some of it’s consultation. Some requires a vote. So we’ll follow the law,» replied Greer.
But DelBene pressed Greer on the president using emergency powers on the tariffs. She quoted from the statute.
Rep. Suzan DelBene, D-Wash., pressed Greer on the Trump administration’s leveraging of executive powers. (Reuters)
«It states, ‘The President, in every possible instance, shall consult with Congress before exercising any powers,’» said DelBene. «That didn’t happen.»
Greer said he called Ways and Means Committee Chairman Jason Smith, R-Mo., and the top Democrat on the panel, Rep. Richard Neal, D-Mass.
«I argue that we did not have that consultation,» said DelBene, who sits on the trade subcommittee.
WHITE HOUSE WARNS AGAINST TARIFF RETALIATION, SAYS TRUMP ‘HAS SPINE OF STEEL AND HE WILL NOT BREAK’
But less than two hours later — with Greer still testifying — President Trump announced he was now pausing most tariffs for three months. But still imposing steep tariffs on China.
Rep. Steven Horsford, D-Nev., was apoplectic.
«He announced it on a tweet?» an incredulous Horsford asked of Greer. «WTF? Who’s in charge?»
Rep. Steven Horsford, D-Nev., appeared beyond furious with the rollout of Trump’s tariff plan. (Leigh Vogel/Getty Images for Congressional Black Caucus Foundation)
«The president of United States is in charge,» Greer said.
«And what do you know about those details?» countered Horsford. «It looks like your boss just pulled the rug out from under you.»
Horsford later asked if what the President executed was «market manipulation.» Greer said it wasn’t.
HOUSE DEMOCRAT SAYS HE’D VOTE TO PROTECT TRUMP’S TARIFF PLAN, WORRIES WHITE HOUSE WILL STAND DOWN
So, when the hearing adjourned, yours truly and Nikole Killion of CBS pursued Greer to get more clarity on the president’s new strategy.
«Can you explain why you were caught flat-footed about the change in the trade policy? Were you aware of any of this?» I asked Greer before he stepped into an anteroom.
We resumed the quest in the hall.
«Were you not told about this?» I asked.
«Did you know before your testimony?» added Killion.
«I’ll just refer you to my testimony,» said Greer.
«Your testimony did not reflect what it was implemented during the hearing,» I followed up.
«I’ll just refer you to my testimony,» Greer repeated.
«But that’s inconsistent with the decision of the president,» I said.
I tried to get a few answers out of Greer after one of his hearings. He remained fairly mum on most of what he was asked. (FOX)
An aide to Greer then intervened.
«I think the ambassador was extremely clear in his testimony about what was going on, and the president could make the choice,» the aide interjected.
«Explain why you don’t think that this was market manipulation. You said it wasn’t,» I followed up.
HOUSE CONSERVATIVES READY TO OPPOSE SENATE GOP FRAMEWORK FOR TRUMP TAX CUT PACKAGE
«Were you aware that there would be a pause before you came here to Capitol Hill? Yes or no? Yes or No, sir?» Killion continued.
Greer then disappeared down a winding staircase in the Longworth House Office Building.
Let’s shift back to the Senate hearing on Tuesday with Greer.
Sen. Thom Tillis, R-N.C., who faces a potential uphill battle for re-election next year, was more blunt in his questioning of Greer, asking, «Whose throat do I get to choke if this proves to be wrong?» (Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images)
Sen. Thom Tillis, R-N.C., could face a competitive re-election bid next year. He asked a pointed question to Greer.
«Whose throat do I get to choke if this proves to be wrong?» Tillis asked.
«Well, Senator, you can certainly always talk to me,» replied Greer.
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«So, if you own this decision, I’ll look to you to figure out if we’re going to be successful,» said Tillis. «If you don’t own the decision, I’m just trying to figure out who’s throat I get to choke if it’s wrong.»
Congress,Trade,Trump’s First 100 Days,Economy,Senate,House Of Representatives
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Hegseth applauds South Korea’s plan to take larger role in defense against North Korean aggression
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U.S. Pentagon chief Pete Hegseth on Tuesday lauded South Korea’s plans to boost its military spending and take on a larger role in defending itself from North Korea’s aggression.
The U.S. has wanted South Korea to increase its conventional defense capabilities so that Washington can center its attention on China.
Hegseth spoke to reporters after annual security talks with South Korean Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back in Seoul, where he said he was «greatly encouraged» by Seoul’s commitment to raising defense spending and making greater investments in its own military capabilities.
He said the two allies agreed that the investments would boost South Korea’s ability to lead its conventional deterrence against its northern foe.
US, CHINA AGREE TO OPEN DIRECT MILITARY HOTLINE AFTER XI-TRUMP SUMMIT
U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, left, looks on as South Korean Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back, right, speaks during a joint press conference following the 57th Security Consultative Meeting at the Defense Ministry in Seoul, South Korea, Tuesday, Nov. 4, 2025. (AP)
South Korean President Lee Jae Myung, in a speech to parliament Tuesday, asked lawmakers to approve an 8.2% increase in defense spending next year. The president said the increase in spending would help modernize the military’s weapons systems and reduce its reliance on the U.S.
Hegseth noted defense cooperation on repairing and maintaining U.S. warships in South Korea, stressing that the activities harness South Korea’s shipbuilding capabilities and «ensure our most lethal capabilities remain ready to respond to any crisis.»
«We face, as we both acknowledge, a dangerous security environment, but our alliance is stronger than ever,» Hegseth said.
TRUMP ARRIVES IN SOUTH KOREA FOR KEY TALKS AHEAD OF APEC SUMMIT, XI MEETING — NO KIM JONG UN REUINION
U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, second from left, and South Korean Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back, center, visit the Observation Post Ouellette near the border village of Panmunjom, South Korea, Monday, Nov. 3, 2025. (AP)
Hegseth said the South Korea-U.S. alliance is primarily meant to respond to potential North Korean aggression, but other regional threats must also be addressed.
«There’s no doubt flexibility for regional contingencies is something we would take a look at, but we are focused on standing by our allies here and ensuring the threat of the [Democratic People’s Republic of Korea] is not a threat to the Republic of Korea and certainly continue to extend nuclear deterrence as we have before,» he said.
In recent years, the U.S. and South Korea have discussed how to integrate U.S. nuclear weapons and South Korean conventional weapons.
U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, left, shakes hands with South Korean Defense Minister Ahn Gyu-back for a photo at the 57th Security Consultative Meeting at the Defense Ministry in Seoul, South Korea, Tuesday, Nov. 4, 2025. (AP)
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South Korea has no nuclear weapons, and Ahn denied speculation that it could eventually seek its own nuclear weapons program or that it is pushing for redeployment of U.S. tactical weapon weapons that were removed from South Korea in the 1990s.
Earlier Tuesday, South Korea’s Joint Chiefs of Staff said the country detected North Korea test-firing around 10 rounds of artillery toward its western waters on Monday, shortly before Hegseth arrived at an inter-Korean border village with Ahn to begin his two-day visit to South Korea.
Hegseth visited the Demilitarized Zone on the border with North Korea earlier in the week.
south korea,north korea,pete hegseth,world,pentagon defense,donald trump
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Luigi Mangione: cómo un tiroteo inspiró memes, debates y devoción en la cultura estadounidense
El tiroteo ocurrido en diciembre pasado, en el que presuntamente Luigi Mangione, un joven desilusionado con el sistema, disparó contra el director ejecutivo de United Healthcare, Brian Thompson, en casi cualquier otra época habría sido considerado una aberración. En Estados Unidos en 2025, se transformó en un meme, un movimiento y una prueba moral.
En Luigi, John H. Richardson, un periodista experimentado, indaga cómo ocurrió esto, en un libro que es parte investigación, parte radiografía cultural. Reconstruye el trayecto de Mangione desde abanderado y tecnólogo preocupado por el clima, hasta el denominado “San Luigi” famoso en TikTok, cuya imagen aureolada hoy circula en bolsas ecológicas y tatuajes. La pregunta central del libro es una que Estados Unidos no deja de hacerse tras la cantidad creciente de tiroteos y asesinatos políticos: ¿debemos juzgar a estos autores como asesinos, como mártires justos o como espejos culturales?
Los capítulos iniciales son los más logrados. Richardson comienza con Luigi en una playa de Waikiki. Es un joven programador brillante leyendo historia social y, finalmente, el manifiesto del Unabomber. Luego, el relato se expande hacia la historia de la tecnofobia y la alienación digital en Estados Unidos.
Las similitudes con Ted Kaczynski —con quien Richardson mantuvo correspondencia durante años y sobre quien ha escrito en profundidad— se vuelven evidentes: la precisión intelectual, el desprecio por los sistemas, el paso de la crítica al extremismo.
Pero Luigi también trata sobre el resto de nosotros: el carnaval instantáneo de las redes sociales que convierte la violencia real en espectáculo participativo. Horas después del tiroteo, Internet había producido una avalancha de opiniones, memes y productos, que a menudo reproducían las palabras que Mangione grabó en sus balas: “Negar”, “Defender” y “Depone”. Se percibe algo reconociblemente estadounidense: una mezcla de ironía y desesperación que difumina los límites morales.
Richardson observa esos momentos con precisión. Entiende que el fenómeno Luigi no se reduce a un agravio político, sino que involucra también el placer de la transgresión en una sociedad que vende la indignación como entretenimiento.
No obstante, la fuerza del libro a veces depende demasiado de las propias superficies que describe. Richardson basa gran parte de su relato en material público —hilos de Reddit, reacciones en YouTube, campañas en línea— y menos en entrevistas directas con personas del entorno de Mangione. Se oyen más voces de espectadores digitales que de quienes conocieron al protagonista. Ante la ausencia de estos detalles personales, el resultado se percibe cuidadosamente curado pero distante en lo emocional.
Quizás esto resulte inevitable para un libro escrito bajo presión sobre una historia que aún evoluciona. El juicio de Mangione está pendiente y es probable que muchos de sus amigos y familiares tengan órdenes de silencio judicial. Pero ese vacío lleva a Richardson a apoyarse en la autoridad reciclada de otros, en especial de Kaczynski.
La correspondencia con el Unabomber, que fue clave en los trabajos anteriores de Richardson, reaparece aquí como el andamiaje moral e intelectual del libro. Kaczynski se convierte en el mentor fantasmal que explica la lógica de la revuelta tecnológica.
Falta una exploración más profunda sobre por qué el acto de Luigi resuena ahora, en unos Estados Unidos donde denegaciones algorítmicas de atención médica chocan con la difusión algorítmica del resentimiento y la desesperanza. Sin esa conexión, el paralelismo entre los atentados antiindustriales de Kaczynski y el presunto tiroteo anticorporativo de Mangione parece más asociativo que analítico.
Richardson busca que veamos la continuidad entre los ecoterroristas de los años noventa y los aceleracionistas digitales de hoy. Pero las fuerzas contemporáneas que impulsan “Luigi” (deuda estudiantil, trabajo precario, medicina privatizada, radicalización en línea y las redes sociales) son tanto económicas y psicológicas como tecnológicas. Queda la pregunta sobre por qué estas ideas encuentran nuevo arraigo en una economía de la salud donde el sufrimiento es privatizado e invisible. En momentos clave, el libro sugiere esta complejidad, pero no llega a ahondar en ella.
Donde Richardson acierta es vinculando el asesinato con la crisis más amplia de atención en Estados Unidos. Argumenta que el tiroteo obligó al público a enfrentar cómo el daño moral se ha integrado en la economía de la salud. Relata cómo la indignación por las prácticas de las aseguradoras creció tras el asesinato. Los directivos contrataron equipos de seguridad privados cuando encuestas reflejaron que un porcentaje sorprendente de jóvenes consideraba “aceptable” el acto.
Estas secciones resultan inquietantes e incómodas. Richardson capta la sensación de que la violencia de Luigi desnuda una fibra sensible en la política estadounidense: la impresión de que nadie en el poder escucha hasta que alguien con un arma impone el tema. Recuerda que un sistema percibido como depredador será finalmente enfrentado no solo por protestas, sino por anomia o nihilismo.
Otra línea del libro —la fascinación cultural con la violencia justiciera— resulta alarmante. Richardson documenta cómo la imagen de Mangione pasó de ficha policial a ícono. Presentadores nocturnos bromeaban sobre que era “el presunto asesino más atractivo del año”. Richardson lo llama “la energía de una cultura en cambio”, pero la frase tiene doble filo: también es la energía de una cultura que ha perdido su brújula moral.
Richardson acierta al presentar Luigi como una historia estadounidense sobre armas centrada en el hecho de que un sector importante de la población se siente “desesperado por liberarse”, como escribe el propio Richardson, de la impotencia e indignación ante el statu quo. Pero podría profundizar mucho más en las continuidades y fracturas entre salud pública, violencia política y armas, y las incómodas contradicciones que surgen cuando las posiciones antifuego chocan con los relatos ideológicos.
Richardson escribe con elegancia. Su cobertura del revuelo mediático, los editoriales enfrentados, la manipulación partidaria, los videos de influencers, es precisa y a veces irónicamente graciosa. Pero pese a su pulcritud, “Luigi” ofrece poco trabajo de campo propio. No se percibe el peso del mundo de Mangione antes ni después de su caída. Esas ausencias importan porque son las que distinguen al periodismo del collage.
En sus momentos más logrados, “Luigi” nos obliga a enfrentar preguntas que trascienden un hecho de violencia. ¿Qué ocurre cuando los sistemas diseñados para sostener la vida se perciben como mecanismos que lucran con el sufrimiento? ¿Qué significa que los estadounidenses encuentren catarsis moral en la venganza? La inquietante posibilidad que plantea “Luigi” es que la línea entre protesta y espectáculo, revolución y venganza, se ha desdibujado por completo.
El libro de Richardson tal vez no resuelva la cuestión definitiva sobre si su protagonista es un héroe, un criminal o una víctima. Pero deja una más urgente: ¿Qué dice de Estados Unidos que ya no podamos distinguir la diferencia?
Fuente: The New York Times
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Socialist shockwave: Zohran Mamdani stuns NYC as voters hand power to Democrats’ far-left flank
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The Fox News Decision Desk has projected that New York City will elect Democratic Assemblyman Zohran Mamdani as its next mayor. The self-described democratic socialist toppled former Gov. Andrew Cuomo in a contentious fight for the future of New York City — and possibly the direction of the Democratic Party.
Mamdani, the 34-year-old Ugandan-born state assemblyman from Queens, triggered a political earthquake when he declared victory in New York City’s Democratic mayoral primary in June, pulling an upset over a former governor who was widely expected to win the party’s nomination.
He has since been catapulted onto the national stage, teaming up with progressive power duo Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., to rally New York City voters for his affordability agenda, which includes ambitious campaign promises like rent freezes, fast and free buses, city-run grocery stores and free childcare.
It’s a race that President Donald Trump himself has been watching closely, labeling Mamdani a «100% Communist Lunatic» and «My little communist» — monikers Mamdani has rejected. On the eve of Election Day, Trump endorsed Cuomo and floated cutting federal funds to New York City if Mamdani won.
FINAL STRETCH: MAMDANI’S LARGE LEAD SHRINKING AS CUOMO GAINS GROUND IN NYC MAYORAL RACE
NYC mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani briefly speaks with reporters as he leaves the Dirksen Senate Office Building on July 16, 2025, in Washington, D.C. (Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images)
In the days leading up to the election, Mamdani vowed to use the «bully pulpit» and the judicial system to fight back against Trump’s «threats.»
«Donald Trump may speak as if it is his decision, but this is money that this city is owed. This is money that we will expect to collect,» Mamdani said Monday.
CUOMO CLOSES GAP ON MAMDANI AS NYC MAYOR RACE TIGHTENS DRAMATICALLY IN NEW POLL
Mamdani’s primary success exposed a divide within the Democratic Party, which suffered big losses up and down the ballot last year and has since struggled to put up a united front against the Trump administration without clear party leadership.
Cuomo resigned from office in 2021 in the face of multiple controversies, including several sexual harassment claims, which he has denied. After losing the primary he was expected to win, Cuomo challenged Mamdani as an Independent candidate in the general election, and has since charged Mamdani of being more a socialist than a Democrat.
«The truth is, there’s a quiet civil war going on in the Democratic Party right now,» Cuomo told Fox News last week. «You have an extreme left. Radical left. Bernie Sanders, AOC — Mamdani is just the banner carrier for that movement — versus the mainstream moderate Democrats. They now call me moderate. They used to call me liberal. Now, I’m a moderate because the whole party shifted.»
New York Democrats were reluctant to endorse Mamdani’s mayoral campaign after he secured the Democratic nomination.
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer refused to endorse Mamdani, despite telling reporters he has a «good relationship with him» and that they are «continuing to talk.» Mamdani was arrested for protesting the war in Gaza and calling for a ceasefire outside Schumer’s home in Brooklyn in 2023.
House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries gave an 11th-hour endorsement for Mamdani after months of equivocating. The announcement came the day before early voting began.
Independent candidate former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo speaks during a mayoral debate, Thursday, Oct. 16, 2025, in New York City. (AP Photo/Angelina Katsanis, Pool)
Gov. Kathy Hochul, D-N.Y., endorsed Mamdani’s campaign in September and later joined him on the campaign trail. When pressed about whether Mamdani would endorse Hochul, he refused to affirm his support for the sitting governor.
Hochul will be critical to Mamdani’s plan to raise taxes on corporations and the top 1% of New Yorkers to pay for his radical campaign agenda, as a tax hike would require state approval.
The governor has maintained that she will not raise taxes, which earned her some heckling at a recent Queens rally, when Mamdani’s supporters shouted, «Tax the rich!»
Mamdani has faced a relentless news cycle since securing the Democratic nomination.
Cuomo and Republican nominee Curtis Sliwa, the founder and CEO of the Guardian Angels, have said that Mamdani would not do enough to protect Jewish New Yorkers if elected mayor.
Mamdani refused to condemn the term «globalize the intifada» during the primary, widely considered a call to violence against Jews. He has since committed to discouraging others from using the term.
New York City mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani and Gov. Kathy Hochul hold hands on stage as they attend a «New York is Not For Sale» rally at Forest Hills Stadium, in the Queens borough of New York City, on Oct. 26, 2025. (Reuters/Eduardo Munoz)
Weeks before Election Day, a slate of prominent New York City rabbis joined more than 650 rabbis nationwide to sign «A Rabbinic Call to Action: Defending the Jewish Future,» asserting that Jewish Americans «cannot remain silent» on discrimination against Jewish people and citing Mamdani’s stances that are critical of Israel.
Mamdani, who is of Indian descent, will be the first South Asian and first Muslim mayor of New York City.
Religion has been a defining issue in the mayoral race, as many Jewish New Yorkers have rejected Mamdani’s positions on Israel, including his calling the war in Gaza a «genocide» and his refusal to recognize Israel as a Jewish state.
Mamdani has maintained that he «would not recognize any state’s right to exist with a system of hierarchy on the basis of race, of religion.»
When asked during last week’s mayoral debate if Mamdani has any regrets about his «long-standing» anti-Israel views, the democratic socialist affirmed his commitment to protecting Jewish New Yorkers, as he has throughout the campaign.
Mamdani has a long record of supporting the pro-Palestinian movement, including at Bowdoin College, where he founded the Students for Justice in Palestine chapter.
Democratic mayoral nominee Zohran Mamdani supporters gather outside 30 Rock in New York City on Thursday, Oct. 16, 2025. (Fox News Digital/Deirdre Heavey)
With weeks until Election Day, Mamdani charged his opponents and Mayor Eric Adams, who ultimately suspended his re-election campaign after staying out of the Democratic primary to run as an independent, with Islamophobia for a slew of comments made about him on the campaign trail.
Mamdani also faced criticism for his past comments about the New York City Police Department, including those comparing the NYPD to the Israel Defense Forces and calling the NYPD «racist, anti‑queer & a major threat to public safety» in 2020, among other insults.
«I’ll apologize to police officers right here, because this is the apology that I’ve been sharing with many rank-and-file officers, and I apologize because of the fact that I’m looking to work with these officers, and I know that these officers, these men and women who serve in the NYPD, they put their lives on the line every single day,» Mamdani said on Fox News.
As New York City voters began heading to the polls for early voting, billionaires, including Red Apple Media CEO John Catsimatidis and hedge fund CEO Bill Ackman, urged Sliwa to drop out of the race to consolidate support for Cuomo, but the Republican nominee refused to suspend his campaign.
Similar pressure mounted after the primary for either Cuomo or Adams to drop out to boost the anti-Mamdani vote. After Adams suspended his campaign, he ultimately endorsed Cuomo. Trump’s Justice Department dropped bribery, wire fraud and conspiracy charges against Adams earlier this year.
Republican mayoral nominee Curtis Sliwa is interviewed by Fox News Digital, in New York City on Aug. 18, 2025. (Paul Steinhauser/Fox News)
Mamdani will also be the first millennial mayor of the nation’s largest city.
Such was clear from the early days of Mamdani’s campaign, as he made strategic use of social media, including TikTok, to build a recognizable brand and motivate a swath of low-propensity voters.
His campaign played into the hands of an evolving – and chronically online – New York City electorate.
Scrolling through Mamdani’s social media, his TikTok and Instagram pages resemble that of a New York City influencer. From the film-like filters and consistent fonts on his vertical videos to the cameos from celebrities, including model Emily Ratajkowski and comedian Bowen Yang, Mamdani’s videos regularly amass millions of views.
During the general election, Mamdani’s campaign began collaborating with content creators, inviting New York City’s micro-influencers to a «New Media» briefing, which are typically reserved for mainstream media, and continuing to walk through the revolving door of podcast appearances, akin to such efforts by the Trump administration in 2024.
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Like Trump in 2024, Mamdani centered his mayoral campaign on affordability, vowing to deliver a New York City that voters could actually afford to live in.
Mamdani told Fox News in the final days of his campaign that he learned of a woman wearing a «MAGA for Zohran» hat at his Queens rally, eliciting Trump’s renowned «Make America Great Again» slogan.
«It tells me that no matter what your politics are, you’re feeling the same crisis, and this is a movement that looks to address that crisis» of affordability, Mamdani said. «No matter who you are, no matter where you live.»
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