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Tim Walz leading Dem effort to turn bipartisan group against President Trump: report
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Progressive governor and failed vice presidential candidate Tim Walz is leading a Democratic effort to turn one of the country’s most influential bipartisan groups against President Donald Trump, according to a report by a mainstream media outlet.
Walz, the governor of Minnesota and one-time running mate of former Vice President Kamala Harris, is threatening to pull out of the bipartisan National Governors Association (NGA) over concerns it is not doing enough to push back against Trump, according to The Atlantic.
The Atlantic reported that two unnamed people «familiar with the governors’ thinking» shared that at least two Democratic governors — Walz and fellow Democratic Gov. Laura Kelly, who is head of the Democratic Governors Association — are opting to stop paying their NGA dues this month.
The two governors will not renew their membership in the organization out of frustration with its inaction against perceived violations of states’ rights by the Trump administration.
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Walz, the governor of Minnesota and one-time running mate of former Vice President Kamala Harris, is threatening to pull out of the bipartisan National Governors Association over concerns it is not doing enough to push back against Trump, according to The Atlantic. (Getty Images)
The concerns raised included the Office of Management and Budget briefly pausing disbursements of federal funds in January, the clash with Democratic Gov. Janet Mills over transgender athletes and Trump’s deployment of the California National Guard to respond to the anti-ICE riots in Los Angeles.
The outlet reported three other unnamed sources saying that Walz and Kelly are not alone and that the offices of other Democratic governors are similarly frustrated with the NGA.
One of the unnamed sources said «when you are also paying dues with taxpayer dollars, it has got to be worth it, and they are going to have to demonstrate that. Right now, they are not doing that,» the outlet reported.
The source also claimed «there have been ongoing concerns about the NGA among the Democratic governors and staff, off and on, for years.»
MESSAGING WAR OVER TRUMP’S ‘BIG BEAUTIFUL BILL’ HEATS UP BETWEEN DEMOCRATS, REPUBLICANS
The Atlantic reported that two unnamed people «familiar with the governors’ thinking» shared that at least two Democratic governors — Walz and fellow Gov. Laura Kelly, head of the Democratic Governors Association — are opting to stop paying their NGA dues this month. (Al Drago/Bloomberg via Getty Images)
The NGA has existed as a forum for bipartisan collaboration among governors since 1908. The organization lists all 50 governors as well as leaders of five U.S. territories as members.
Eric Wohlschlegel, NGA communications director, told Fox News Digital the group «exists to bring governors from both parties together around shared priorities.»
Amid the Walz-led controversy, Wohlschlegel said NGA’s «mission hasn’t changed.»
«Every public statement NGA issues reflects bipartisan consensus,» he said. «So far this year, all but one statement has had that consensus, and when governors don’t agree, we simply don’t issue one. That’s how we preserve our role as a bipartisan convener, a principle we won’t compromise.»
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A source familiar with the situation blamed the controversy on «Democratic infighting, unspoken campaign jockeying and a few anonymous voices looking to reshape a nonpartisan institution into a political one.»
That source pointed out that, despite all the noise about controversy, the NGA’s summer meeting in Colorado Springs this weekend is expected to have «record turnout» with 13 Republican and seven Democratic leaders attending.
They also noted that «no governors are on the record expressing discontent with the NGA. No allegations of misconduct, governance failure or mismanagement have been raised.»
Kansas Gov. Laura Kelly enters the House chamber for the State of the State address at the Kansas State Capitol Jan. 10, 2024, in Topeka, Kan. (Emily Curiel/The Kansas City Star/Tribune News Service via Getty Images)
«What’s behind the noise?» the source added. «There’s an internal power struggle currently and no consensus among Democrats right now on how to lead, how to message or how to govern in a divided environment.
«Several Democratic governors are vying for national attention, testing messages for future campaigns rather than collaborating on consensus governance,» the source added. «The NGA’s bipartisan model is working exactly as it’s supposed to.
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«When a party can’t agree with itself, it becomes easy to take shots at bipartisan institutions that don’t serve short-term political goals.»
Fox News Digital reached out to the offices of Democratic Colorado Gov. Jared Polis, the outgoing NGA chair, and Republican Gov. Kevin Stitt of Oklahoma, the incoming chair, for comment on the Walz mutiny.
Though not addressing the controversy directly, Conor Cahill, a spokesperson for Polis, told Fox News Digital the governor «has been honored» to lead the NGA and to «work across the aisle with governors on education, permitting reform, standing up to federal efforts to strip away gubernatorial authority around the National Guard and elevating the priorities of states.»
Oklahoma Gov. Kevin Stitt speaks as Gov. Jared Polis of Colorado listens at the NGA in Washington (Fox News/Charlie Creitz)
He added that «during this polarizing time, bipartisan organizations are needed more than ever, and NGA must continue to demonstrate value to all governors and effectively communicate governors’ opinions on various matters with the public and the federal government.»
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Abegail Cave, a spokesperson for Stitt, who will become NGA chair this weekend, told Fox News Digital «people seem to forget NGA is a bipartisan organization, not a political one.»
«Coming to bipartisan consensus is difficult, but governors from across the political spectrum are addressing the real challenges facing Americans every day,» Cave said.
She said that Stitt «looks forward to leading this organization and finding more areas of collaboration in the coming year.»
Fox News Digital also reached out to the offices of Walz and Kelly but did not receive responses by the time of publication.
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Reporter’s Notebook: Tennessee special election eyed as Trump referendum ahead of midterms
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We’ll know Wednesday morning if a special election in Tennessee is truly a referendum on country music, pedal taverns and bachelorettes.
Or, we can divine a deeper political meaning from the results of the special election in Tennessee’s 7th Congressional District.
Democrat Aftyn Behn is trying to tip the scales in favor of her party in a district which President Donald Trump carried by about 20 points and former Rep. Mark Green, R-Tenn., won by a similar percentage last fall.
Behn faces GOPer Matt Van Epps. It’s a Republican district. But political observers are watching the race to gauge potential weakness by Trump, a softness in the Trump coalition, issues with the Republican brand or early indications of a possible blue wave in the 2026 midterms.
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Republican nominee Matt Van Epps, left, and Democratic nominee Aftyn Behn are facing off in a Dec. 2, 2025, special election for a vacant GOP-held U.S. House seat in Tennessee’s 7th Congressional District. (AP Photo; AP Photo )
It was Behn who proclaimed that she abhorred Nashville several years ago. «I hate the bachelorettes, I hate the pedal taverns, I hate country music. I hate all the things that make Nashville apparently an ‘it city,’» complained Behn.
About all Behn left out in her animus toward Music City was dissing The Grand Ole Opry, hot chicken and Goo Goo Clusters. But if voters go goo goo over Behn Tuesday, Republicans face a cluster of another sort. A Behn victory may signal major problems for Republicans and President Trump heading into the midterms.
Behn is characterized as the «AOC of Tennessee,» a reference to progressive Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y. Republicans have been sure to boomerang that against Behn, suggesting she’s not in tune with the district, leans too far to the left, and is closer to the liberal values of New York or Los Angeles than Nashville. Republicans believe Behn is just a bad fit for Nashville. Kind of like having Bad Bunny perform at the Ryman Auditorium.
«It shouldn’t even be close, but it is,» mused Rep. Tim Burchett, R-Tenn., on Fox.
So Republicans are pouring in money to protect the seat. Democrats are pouring in money to steal the seat. If Democrats pull off the upset, the party should uproot the goalposts at FirstBank Stadium in downtown Nashville and dump it in the Cumberland River. Kind of what Vanderbilt fans did last year when the Commodores upset No. 1-ranked Alabama.
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Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez listens to the testimony of witnesses during a House hearing with sanctuary city mayors on Capitol Hill in Washington, March 5, 2025. (AP Images)
Let’s explore what a Behn win might mean for Republicans. It could indicate that voters are tiring of Trump. Or that the GOP brand is toxic. Or perhaps it’s the continuation of a trend which Democrats enjoyed this fall: near blowout wins by New Jersey Gov.-elect Mikie Sherrill and Virginia Gov.-elect Abigail Spanberger.
But there’s a downside for Democrats. Yes. They may flip the seat. But a win may also show that the party is tilting more to the left. It would be hard to argue with success if Behn prevails, regardless of her progressive streak. But this may give other liberals ideas that they can win in other red or purple districts. That may work against Democrats — especially since every Republican, except President Trump, has highlighted the left-wing politics of New York Mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani.
Democrats probably need to run more centrist candidates in purple areas to regain control of the House. A Behn victory could open the floodgates for a host of progressive candidates in competitive House districts nationwide. Behn’s message — or that of Ocasio-Cortez or Mamdani — won’t work in most places where Democrats need to be successful to seize control of the House.
But what if Republicans hold the seat and Van Epps wins?
It probably depends by how much.
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Democrats scored victories across the country in November 2025, with centrist and leftist candidates taking crucial positions. (Michael Nagle/Bloomberg via Getty Images; Adam Gray/Bloomberg via Getty Images; Alex Wong/Getty Images)
Yes, there were five special elections in 2017 — the first year Trump was originally in office — which Democrats made competitive. All were closer than they should have been. But Democrats didn’t win any of them. Still, astute political observers suggested there was unpopularity with the president and the GOP agenda. Democrats won 40 seats and gained control of the House in the 2017 midterms.
So, even if Van Epps wins, examine the margin. And if Behn wins, see if Republicans downplay it because it was a special election and the customary electorate just doesn’t turn out for special elections. Especially one wedged between Thanksgiving and Christmas.
If Republicans hold the seat, the GOP will argue this was a repudiation of a leftist like Behn and someone who was out of step. They will also suggest that it’s a GOP seat and Republicans should win anyway. That’s what happened earlier this year when there was consternation before two Florida special elections. But Florida Republican Reps. Randy Fine and Jimmy Patronis both won in March.
Here’s another factor which bears watching: the message the press corps and political observers glean from the election results. After all, special elections are always special. It’s natural for analysts and journalists to search for particular meanings or signposts in these contests. Such was the case with the off-year elections in New Jersey, Virginia and New York City. Sometimes these observations are spot-on. Other times, they mean nothing. If anything, there is a tendency to over-illuminate the outcomes of these contests. They are moments in time. Kind of like listening to a few bars of a song. Maybe it tells you a lot about the song. Maybe not.
SETTING THE STAGE: WHAT THE 2025 ELECTIONS SIGNAL FOR NEXT YEAR’S MIDTERM SHOWDOWNS
President Donald Trump speaks to reporters after speaking to troops via video from his Mar-a-Lago estate on Thanksgiving, Nov. 27, 2025, in Palm Beach, Florida. (Alex Brandon/AP Photo)
House Republicans could well freak out if Behn is victorious. There’s lots of grumbling among Republicans. Some are frustrated by how their leadership handled the government shutdown. And others could follow Green and Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., and hit the exits early.
This is a fragile time for House Republicans. That’s one reason why a flip of this seat could mean a little bit more.
Still, it’s rare to flip seats in House special elections. Former Rep. Don Cazayoux, D-La., won a special election in a red district in Louisiana in 2008 after former Rep. Richard Baker, R-La., resigned. But current Sen. Bill Cassidy, R-La., then won that seat in the general election and served in the House before moving to the Senate.
Former Rep. Mayra Flores, R-Texas, flipped the seat held by former Rep. Filemon Vela, D-Texas, in 2022. But she lost re-election that fall.
Former Rep. Mike Garcia, R-Calif., won a special election in 2020 after former Rep. Katie Hill, D-Calif., resigned just months into office. Garcia held the seat until Rep. George Whitesides, D-Calif., defeated him a year ago.
Former Rep. Charles Djou, R-Hawaii, won a special election in Hawaii in 2010 against two Democrats – former Rep. Colleen Hanabusa, D-Hawaii, and Rep. Ed Case, D-Hawaii. But Democrats got the seat back in 2012.
Former Rep. Mary Peltola, D-Alaska, won a special election in 2022 to flip Alaska’s at-large district from red to blue following the death of late Rep. Don Young, R-Alaska. Young held the seat for nearly 50 years. But Rep. Nick Begich III, R-Alaska, defeated Peltola last year.
In short, even if someone flips a seat, it’s rare that they have the seat for long. Often, only through the next regular election.
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So a word of caution as you evaluate the election results on Tuesday night. If Republicans hold the seat, that may be expected. If Democrats flip the seat, some will proclaim it’s the second coming of the Music City Miracle.
But frankly, it’s probably not.
politics,house of representatives politics,congress,tennessee,2025 2026 elections coverage,midterm elections
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Guerra en Ucrania: Zelenski y Macron buscan un plan de paz en un contexto de corrupción y tensiones
Décima visita y muy debilitado
Problemas de corrupción
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Andrí Yermak junto a Zelenski. Foto: ReuterEstados Unidos vende armas a Europa para Ucrania
Por los niños secuestrados
Volodímir Zelenski y su esposa fueron recibidos por Emmanuel Macron y Brigitte Macron. Foto: BloombergRusia ataca Ucrania diariamente
Zelenski a Irlanda
El hallazgo de un ejemplar completo de uno de los primeros poemarios de Manuel Machado, publicado en Barcelona en 1895 y considerado perdido durante más de un siglo, ha reconfigurado el panorama de la investigación sobre la lírica española de finales del siglo XIX.
Este volumen, que reúne versos del joven poeta sevillano y de su compañero de bohemia Enrique Paradas, permaneció fuera del alcance de los estudiosos hasta que, en enero de 2022, fue adquirido por el bibliófilo y antólogo Manuel Márquez de la Plata a través de una librería anticuaria catalana.
Durante décadas, la comunidad académica creyó que el único vestigio de este poemario era un ejemplar incompleto conservado en la Biblioteca Machado de la Institución Fernán González, dependiente de la Real Academia Burgense de Historia y Bellas Artes. A este volumen le faltaban la mayoría de las páginas atribuidas a Manuel Machado, lo que impedía conocer con precisión la extensión y el contenido de su contribución.
Las principales bibliografías, incluida la editada por la Biblioteca Nacional española en 1976, identificaban la obra bajo el título de ‘Etcétera’ y le asignaban 126 páginas, aunque sin advertir la posible ausencia de las últimas hojas. Otras referencias bibliográficas de los años setenta repetían el mismo título y, en algún caso, calificaban un ejemplar completo como un “volumen inencontrable”.
La confusión sobre el título y la integridad del poemario se mantuvo hasta el otoño de 1979, cuando el poeta y profesor Miguel d’Ors, tras analizar el ejemplar mutilado de Burgos, publicó en la revista académica Cuadernos de Investigación Filológica de la Universidad de La Rioja un artículo titulado “Donde se enmienda un error de las bibliografías Manuelmachadinas”.
En ese texto, d’Ors aclaró que el libro, firmado “Paradas-Machado”, no se llamaba Etcétera, sino & Versos, y que en la cubierta figuraba como & Colección de poesías. D’Ors interpretó el uso del símbolo “&” como una muestra del gusto personal de Machado por los títulos singulares, recordando otros poemas suyos titulados con signos como ‘¡…!’, ‘***’ y ‘….?’.
El análisis de d’Ors aportó detalles sobre la mutilación del ejemplar de Burgos: de las 126 páginas, las 120 primeras correspondían a versos de Paradas, mientras que las seis restantes incluían el nombre de Manuel Machado, el encabezado de una posible sección titulada ‘Bocetos’ y un único poema, ‘Ruinas’, ya publicado en el primer poemario conjunto del año anterior, ‘Tristes y alegres’.
D’Ors dedujo que resultaba improbable que la aportación de Machado se limitara a seis páginas y un solo poema, por lo que era evidente que faltaba una parte sustancial del libro. En su artículo, animó a los investigadores a buscar el poemario perdido en las bibliotecas, pero advirtió que debían rastrearlo bajo el título “&” y no “Etcétera”. A pesar de este llamamiento, ni entonces ni tras la reedición de su artículo en el libro Estudios sobre Manuel Machado (Renacimiento, 2000), se tuvo noticia de la aparición de un ejemplar íntegro.
La situación cambió radicalmente a comienzos de 2022, cuando Manuel Márquez de la Plata localizó el poemario en una oferta en línea de una librería anticuaria catalana, que lo vendía por unos pocos cientos de euros. Tras adquirirlo, comprobó que el volumen, impreso en 1895, constaba de 191 páginas, es decir, 65 páginas más que el ejemplar mutilado de Burgos.
Las poesías de Machado ocupaban desde la página 121 hasta la 191 y estaban divididas en dos secciones: ‘Bocetos’ y ‘Poesías en prosa’. En total, los versos del poeta sevillano en este poemario superaban los ochenta. Aproximadamente la mitad de estos poemas ya habían aparecido en publicaciones de la época, como La Caricatura, o fueron incluidos posteriormente en otros libros de Machado, pero la otra mitad no figuraba —al menos con el mismo inicio— en las últimas Poesías Completas publicadas en 2019 por la editorial Renacimiento.
Márquez de la Plata, movido por su admiración hacia Miguel d’Ors y en agradecimiento por los momentos de satisfacción que le habían proporcionado sus escritos, decidió enviarle por correo certificado una fotocopia de las páginas con las poesías de Machado. D’Ors, ya jubilado y residente en Galicia, recibió el envío con sorpresa y entusiasmo, y lo incorporó a su colección de primeras ediciones de su poeta favorito, a quien había dedicado años de estudio.
Tres años después, en la primavera de 2025, el periodista y escritor Víctor Olmos, que trabaja en una biografía de Manuel Machado, contactó telefónicamente con d’Ors para consultarle sobre el poemario. Durante la conversación, d’Ors le reveló que, gracias a Márquez de la Plata, disponía de una fotocopia de las páginas del libro supuestamente perdido y le relató cómo había llegado a sus manos.
Olmos, a punto de cumplir noventa años y con experiencia periodística, intuyó que el ejemplar podría ser único y constituir una primicia literaria, ya que, en el ámbito de la bibliografía, nada es definitivo, pero no se tiene constancia de otro ejemplar.
Olmos sugirió a d’Ors que narrara la historia del poemario perdido y hallado en algún medio, especialmente en un momento en que los Machado acaparaban la atención pública tras la exposición Los Machado. Retrato de Familia, celebrada en Sevilla, Burgos y Madrid.
D’Ors consideró que la iniciativa correspondía a su propietario, Márquez de la Plata. Finalmente, Olmos se puso en contacto con él, quien aceptó la propuesta de informar sobre la existencia del poemario para conocimiento de expertos, biógrafos y bibliógrafos machadianos.
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