El presidente interino de Perú, el derechista José Jerí, podría estar en sus últimas horas en el cargo si este martes triunfan una serie de mociones de censura que derivarían en su destitución y en el octavo cambio presidencial en el país andino en casi una década, cuando faltan menos de dos meses para las elecciones generales.

La votación se realizará en momentos en que Perú se prepara para celebrar elecciones presidenciales y legislativas el 12 de abril.

Jerí, que en su condición de presidente del Congreso ascendió a la Presidencia del país en octubre pasado para relevar a la destituida presidenta Dina Boluarte (2022-2025) y llevar las riendas de Perú hasta las nuevas elecciones, puede ver finalizado su mandato antes de tiempo por las investigaciones abiertas en su contra con apenas cuatro meses como gobernante.

Las mociones de censura contra el transitorio mandatario se han acumulado en las últimas semanas a medida que su popularidad va cayendo, un efecto que ha provocado que los partidos conservadores que tienen mayoría en el Congreso, y que inicialmente respaldaron a que Jerí asumiera la Presidencia, ahora buscan distanciarse a pocas semanas de los comicios.

Solo el fujimorismo, que es el partido más grande dentro del hemiciclo peruano, mantiene su apoyo explícito a Jerí, incluso cuando la Fiscalía le ha abierto investigaciones por tráfico de influencias, al presuntamente haber mantenido reuniones semiclandestinas con empresarios chinos que son contratistas del Estado y de la propia oficina presidencial.

«Yo no he cometido ningún delito. Tengo la plena suficiencia moral para poder ejercer la presidencia de la República», declaró Jerí en una entrevista por televisión la noche del domingo.

Una serie de vídeos de cámaras de seguridad revelaron que Jerí acudió el 26 de diciembre a cenar, encapuchado, con la aparente intención de no ser reconocido, a un chifa – restaurante de comida tusán (peruano-china) – del empresario Zhihua ‘Johnny’ Yang, a cuya tienda llegó también el 6 de enero, horas después de que ese local hubiera sido clausurado por las autoridades municipales por incumplir normativas locales.

Luego también salieron a la luz una serie de contrataciones de funcionarias que previamente habían mantenido reuniones en el Palacio de Gobierno de Lima con el mandatario, una de ellas durante toda la noche de Halloween, de acuerdo a los registros oficiales de ingreso y salida de personas de la sede presidencial.

Jerí entró al Congreso peruano en las elecciones de 2021 como suplente del inhabilitado expresidente Martín Vizcarra (2021-2024) tras sacar algo más de 11.600 votos, y en pocos meses pasó de ser un congresista raso del derechista partido Somos Perú a dirigir comisiones, luego presidir el Congreso entero, y de ahí saltar a la Presidencia tras la destitución de Boluarte.

Antes de ser presidente del Congreso, le fue archivada por el fiscal general interino, Tomás Gálvez, una denuncia de violación presuntamente ocurrida a finales de 2024, y también ha sido acusado de presunto enriquecimiento ilícito por supuestamente pedir sumas de dinero a cambio de impulsar proyectos de ley en la comisión de Presupuesto.

Jerí sostiene que su eventual destitución debe ser con 87 votos, equivalentes a dos tercios de la cámara, conforme exige la Constitución para los presidentes elegidos por voto popular, pero una ley emitida por el propio Congreso establece que, en estos escenarios, el presidente de la República no pierde su condición de presidente del Congreso.

El artículo 132 de la Constitución de 1993 establece que la moción de censura debe ser propuesta por no menos del 25% del número legal de congresistas; es decir por 33 de los 130 congresistas en la actualidad. Para su aprobación se requiere del voto de más de la mitad del número legal de congresistas; es decir 66 de 130.

Así, las mociones presentadas plantean censurarlo como presidente del Congreso, lo que automáticamente le hace perder la investidura de jefe de Estado.

En caso de que triunfen las mociones, existe un gran dilema sobre el o la congresista que debería asumir la Presidencia. El nombre con mayor fuerza es la derechista Maricarmen Alva, una figura polémica que ya presidió el Congreso en 2021 y fue una de las caras que lideró la oposición contra el izquierdista presidente Pedro Castillo (2021-2022).

China offered new humanitarian energy assistance to Ukraine — even as a senior U.S. official said Beijing has the power to stop Russia’s invasion and has chosen not to.

«China could call Vladimir Putin and end this war tomorrow and cut off his dual-purpose technologies that they’re selling,» U.S. Ambassador to NATO Matthew Whitaker said during a Friday panel on U.S. foreign policy at the Munich Security Conference, moderated by Bloomberg.

«China could stop buying Russian oil and gas,» he added. «You know, this war is being completely enabled by China.»

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Whitaker’s remarks came as Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi met with Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha on the sidelines of the conference and pledged what both sides described as humanitarian energy assistance to help Ukraine cope with ongoing Russian strikes on its power infrastructure.

Sybiha said on social media that he was grateful for China’s decision to provide an additional energy aid package. Readouts from both Kyiv, Ukraine, and Beijing described the meeting as focused on peace efforts, bilateral ties and support for Ukraine’s energy system, which repeatedly has been targeted by Russian missile and drone attacks.

China has not publicly disclosed the size or scope of the aid package.

Beijing repeatedly has said it seeks a «constructive» role in ending the crisis and maintains that it is not a party to the conflict. Chinese officials have denied supplying lethal military assistance to Moscow and argue they support dialogue and a political settlement.

U.S. officials, however, increasingly frame China as Russia’s most important external enabler.

Whitaker said in Munich that China is providing «crucial support» for Russia’s aggression. Russia relies heavily on China for critical parts and components used in drones and other war equipment, Western officials say, even as Beijing publicly distances itself from direct weapons transfers.

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«China could call Vladimir Putin and end this war tomorrow and cut off his dual-purpose technologies that they’re selling,» U.S. Ambassador to NATO Matthew Whitaker, second from right, said during a Friday panel on U.S. foreign policy at the Munich Security Conference, moderated by Bloomberg.  (Brendan Smialowski – Pool/Getty Images)

China and Russia have deepened their partnership since the start of the war, expanding trade and financial cooperation. Moscow increasingly has relied on Chinese technology, industrial goods and financial channels as Western sanctions tightened.

China is once again the largest buyer of Russian crude oil shipments. Tracking data show that roughly 1.65 million barrels per day of crude were offloaded at Chinese ports in January — the highest level since March 2024 and the second-highest monthly total since Moscow’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine.

The purchases provide Moscow with a critical revenue stream as Western governments attempt to constrain Russia’s war financing through sanctions and price caps.

The juxtaposition at Munich was stark: Beijing offering to help repair Ukraine’s energy grid while simultaneously remaining a major buyer of the oil that funds the Russian war machine Western officials say is destroying it.

Whitaker’s remarks came as Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi met with Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha on the sidelines of the conference and pledged what both sides described as humanitarian energy assistance to help Ukraine cope with ongoing Russian strikes on its power infrastructure. (Sergei Grits/The Associated Press )

Beijing rejects the accusation that it is enabling the war, arguing instead that sanctions and military escalation will not resolve the conflict and that it supports negotiations.

By maintaining diplomatic channels with Ukraine and offering humanitarian support, Beijing preserves a foothold in potential post-war reconstruction discussions, even as its economic ties with Moscow deepen.

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For European governments weighing additional measures against Chinese entities accused of supplying dual-use goods to Russia, Beijing’s humanitarian outreach complicates the diplomatic picture.

For Washington, however, the framing at Munich was direct: China has the economic and technological influence to change Russia’s calculus.

Tens of thousands of Iranians are being held in «black box» detention sites with no judicial oversight, official records, and no way for families to confirm whether their loved ones are alive, according to reports.

The facilities — which the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) says are modeled on prison camps from the 1980s — have sparked alarm among human rights advocates amid unrest across the country.

«These sites were initially used in the 1980s in Iran and were residential compounds inside Ghezel Hesar Prison in Karaj, west of Tehran,» he added.

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«Female prisoners affiliated with MEK (Mujahedin-e Khalq) were confined and subjected to torture,» he added, describing how women were «forced to live in coffin-like boxes or sit in squatting positions, deprived of sleep and food.»

«If they spoke, they were beaten. We have heard that similar prisons are being used today that operate outside the formal Iranian prison system,» he said.

Iranian authorities have reportedly been using these unofficial detention sites for interrogation during the protests, where detainees are held without registration or access to legal counsel.

The Center for Human Rights in Iran (CHRI) described the facilities as «among the gravest concerns documented» by the organization.

In a new report, CHRI warned that when detainees are removed from the formal prison system, they effectively disappear into these sites.

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Military members of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) in western Tehran, Iran (Morteza Nikoubazl/NurPhoto via Getty Images)

There is no paper trail and no legal supervision, leaving individuals highly vulnerable to abuse.

CHRI said the risk of torture, coerced confessions, sexual abuse and deaths in custody inside these facilities is extreme.

Outside the facilities, families are often left traumatized after having to spend days outside courts and prisons that deny holding their children, the report said.

«The precise locations of these black box sites are unknown, which is part of their function,» Safavi said.

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Iranian security forces escalated from pellet guns to live ammunition during protests. (Getty)

«This ensures total isolation and no access or contact. Agents inside are able to employ whatever methods they choose, much like at Ghezel Hesar Prison in the 1980s,» he explained.

«The clandestine sites eliminate witnesses and prevent documentation that could lead to leaks,» Safavi said.

The findings come amid reports of escalating executions in Iran following recent protests, during which thousands of people were killed at the hands of the clerical regime.

The Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRANA) reported Monday that at least 17 prisoners were executed across Iran over a two-day period.

The CHRI report came as Iranians living in exile gathered in Europe to protest against the regime and as others commemorated the 40th day since the Jan. 2026 uprising.

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At the same time, the HANA Human Rights Organization said that at least 24 children, including a 3-year-old, were killed by direct fire from security forces during nationwide protests.