A group of two dozen state attorneys general sued President Donald Trump Thursday in an effort to block his new 10% tariffs from taking force, a move that all but ensures Trump’s newly revived tariff regime will end up back before the federal courts for the second time in nearly as many years.

The lawsuit was filed Thursday in the Court of International Trade by attorneys general from 24 states, including New York, Oregon, California and Arizona. 

The state attorneys general argued in the lawsuit that Trump lacks the authority to impose the 10% tariffs under Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974. 

They described the effort as an attempt to «sidestep» last month’s 6-3 Supreme Court ruling, which blocked Trump’s use of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) to unilaterally impose his 10% global tariff announced last April.

Trump responded to the ruling by immediately invoking Section 122 to keep the 10% tariffs in place in the near term. He also said then that the administration is planning to increase the import duties from 10% to 15% for certain countries. 

In the lawsuit, the state AGs said Trump «has made clear that he is going to impose worldwide tariffs by any means necessary» and argued that the effort is «an exercise of completely unrestrained executive power.»

«As with his unlawful use of IEEPA, the President has once again exercised tariff authority that he does not have — involving a statute that does not authorize the tariffs he has imposed — to upend the constitutional order and bring chaos to the global economy,» they added.

Next steps in the case are unclear, though the new lawsuit is likely to be met with fierce opposition from the White House and Justice Department.

Trump has continued to embrace tariffs as the signature economic policy of his second White House term. Trump, who previously billed himself the «Tariff Man,» has described the issue as «life or death» for the U.S. economy. 

Last April, Trump declared a national trade emergency to invoke IEEPA, citing the law as a means to address trade imbalances, reduce deficits with key trading partners and boost domestic manufacturing and production.

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President Donald Trump walks past Supreme Court justices during a State of the Union address at the U.S. Capitol.  (Win McNamee/Getty Images)

Two federal courts — the U.S. Court of International Trade (CIT) and U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit — previously blocked Trump’s use of IEEPA to enact his tariffs, prompting the administration to kick the case to the Supreme Court last year for emergency relief. (The Manhattan-based Court of International Trade ruled last year that Trump, as commander in chief, does not have «unbounded authority» to impose tariffs under the emergency law.)

Lower courts had pressed the Justice Department to explain why Trump invoked IEEPA when other, more narrowly tailored statutes enacted by Congress more specifically address tariffs, including laws that cap tariffs at certain levels or set timeframes subject to congressional review.

Section 122 tariffs can remain in place for up to 150 days without congressional approval, and Sen. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., vowed on the Senate floor last week that the Democratic caucus would not approve an extension of the broad import duties. 

Legally, the administration could have its work cut out for it as well. 

Some economists — as well as the state AGs — argue that there is a difference between a traditional balance of payment deficit and the trade deficit between the U.S. and other countries. 

Traders work on the floor of the New York Stock Exchange in New York City March 28. (Spencer Platt/Getty Images)

«Contrary to the Section 122 Proclamation, a trade deficit is not a balance of payments deficit,» the states argued in their lawsuit. 

Justin Wolfers, an economist at the University of Michigan, told Fox News Digital in an interview last year that Trump’s focus on the trade «deficit» is in fact based on a common misconception. 

«We have a dollar deficit, but we have a stuff surplus,» he said. 

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«What that means is we sell China a small amount of stuff, and they sell us a large amount of stuff,» Wolfers explained. For every dollar bill that goes to China, the U.S. gets something for it that Americans want to buy, like T-shirts. 

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Qué signifca la guerra para los iraníes

Desde el interior de irán

La gente ha estado cantando, bailando, abrazándose y felicitándose por la eliminación de la cabeza de la máquina de matar que hemos tenido gobernándonos

La guerra de Israel y Trump

Aquí y ahora no hay ninguna posibilidad de que el pueblo iraní pueda derrocar un sistema tan opresor con las manos vacías

En estos momentos se ha dado la casualidad de que los intereses políticos de Estados Unidos e Israel coinciden con los intereses del pueblo iraní en cuanto al derrocamiento de la inquisición islamista

No hay comida ni medicamentos

La miseria es lo que nos ha traído este gobierno. Ha utilizado todos nuestros recursos para enriquecimiento propio y el lujo repugnante en el que viven casi mil familias en la teocracia islamista

Lo que para mí como activista de derechos humanos sería muy grato es que por una vez antepongamos las vidas humanas a nuestras ideologías políticas y luchemos por poder establecer un mínimo de armonía en un mundo desquiciado

FIRST ON FOX: As U.S. and Israeli military pressure on Iran intensifies, and President Donald Trump signals support for Kurdish forces, Kurdish opposition groups along the country’s western frontier tell Fox News Digital they are watching closely for an opportunity to strike back against the Islamic Republic, which they have fought for decades.

Kako Aliyar, a member of the leadership committee of the Kurdish opposition party Komala, told Fox News Digital from an undisclosed location in Iraq that the Kurdish movements are ready to act if conditions allow. 

«Kurds have been waiting for a moment to do something,» Aliyar said. «We believe that those moments are not far from us.»

But Aliyar said Kurdish forces cannot yet move against the regime because Iran still retains the ability to launch missile and drone attacks, which opposition fighters would struggle to defend against.

Aliyar said Iranian forces continue to target Kurdish opposition bases across the border in Iraq’s Kurdistan region.

Trump signaled support for Kurdish fighters launching an offensive against Iran, saying in a telephone interview with Reuters Thursday that he would back such a move. 

«I think it’s wonderful that they want to do that — I’d be all for it,» Trump said. 

Asked whether the United States would provide air cover for a Kurdish offensive, Trump declined to elaborate. 

«I can’t tell you that,» he said.

Aliyar said Kurdish groups remain under pressure from Iran and continue to face attacks on their bases across the border in Iraq’s Kurdistan region. 

«Our camps, the Kurdish political parties, are still under attack by the Iranian regime, and we can’t go into detail,» he said. 

Still, he indicated that if the opportunity arises, Kurdish fighters would attempt to return to Iranian territory. 

«If we get an opportunity to go back to our own country, we will use it,» he said.

Kurdish opposition signals unity

The comments come as Iranian Kurdish opposition groups attempt to present a united front against Iran.  

In February, several factions formed the Coalition of Political Forces of Iranian Kurdistan, bringing together parties including Komala, the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (PDKI), PJAK and the Kurdistan Freedom Party.

Aliyar said the coalition is still organizing itself but carries an important political message.

«Politically, it’s a huge message for the Kurdish people inside the country and the international community that Kurds are united,» he said. «We are working together, and we are trying to reach our goals together.»

Kurdish groups have long fought the Iranian government. Armed clashes between Kurdish militants and Iranian forces date back to the years following the 1979 Islamic Revolution, when Kurdish factions sought autonomy and were violently suppressed by Tehran.

Today, many Kurdish opposition groups operate from neighboring Iraqi Kurdistan, where they maintain political offices and limited military forces.

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A general view of Tehran, Iran, with smoke visible in the distance after explosions were reported in the city, March 2, 2026. (Contributor/Getty Images)

Waiting for Iran’s military capabilities to weaken

Aliyar suggested Kurdish forces would only be able to move if Iran’s military capabilities are significantly degraded. 

«I believe those missile and drone abilities have to be more weakened or totally removed because we are not able to defend ourselves against them,» he said.

Iran’s ability to launch missiles and drones remains one of the regime’s strongest deterrents against internal or external challengers. 

«They can still launch missiles and they can still kill people,» Aliyar said.

If those capabilities were reduced, he believes Kurdish forces could attempt to exploit the moment. 

«I think everyone has the capacity to do so because Kurdish political parties have huge legitimacy among the people,» he said. «People support them, people support us.»

However, Aliyar cautioned that no one can predict how events will unfold. 

«When a war starts, you are trying to find a way to use it in your best way, but you cannot predict what happens tomorrow,» he said.

Kurdish resistance rooted in decades of struggle

Kurds in Iran represent one of the country’s largest ethnic minorities and have historically maintained organized opposition movements. 

Kurdish parties developed armed wings and political networks decades ago, giving them a level of organizational structure that many other Iranian opposition movements lack.

Jino Victoria Doabi, an international political analyst focused on Iran and Kurdistan, told Fox News Digital, «Kurds inside Iran have their own history and tradition of struggle and resistance with political parties and armed forces.»

Doabi said Kurdish forces are unlikely to move without clear backing from Washington.

TRUMP TELLS IRANIANS THE ‘HOUR OF YOUR FREEDOM IS AT HAND’ AS US-ISRAEL LAUNCH STRIKES AGAINST

 IRAN

Bombing occurs in Iran on Feb. 28, 2026. (Fatemeh Bahrami/Getty Images)

«For that to happen, they need assurance from America, both politically but also security-wise,» Doabi said.

«Kurds have learned that they cannot just do it for the good cause anymore, because that’s going to cause civilians a lot of pain and destruction and killings.»

Discussions about the idea of Kurdish involvement may have been underway long before the recent escalation, according to Doabi. 

«I don’t think this has happened overnight,» she said. «I think this has been discussed for a long time.»

Regional complications

Despite the growing attention on Kurdish groups, Aliyar emphasized that Iraqi Kurdish authorities are not directly involved in any potential campaign. 

«Iraqi Kurds are not part of it,» he said. «I am not Iraqi, so I cannot comment on that.»

Analysts say Kurdish insurgents alone are unlikely to topple the Iranian regime. But if internal unrest spreads and Kurdish forces coordinate with broader opposition movements, Iran’s western frontier could become a serious pressure point for Iran. 

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A person holds an image of Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, as Iranian demonstrators protest against the U.S.-Israeli strikes, in Tehran, Feb. 28, 2026. (Majid Asgaripour/West Asia News Agency via Reuters)

For Aliyar and other Kurdish leaders, however, the goal remains clear after decades of opposition to the Islamic Republic.

«We have had this desire for 47 years,» he said. «If we get an opportunity, we will use it.»

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