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Future of Trump budget bill uncertain as House GOP rebels mutiny over Senate plan

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House Republicans are divided over how to proceed on a massive piece of legislation aimed at advancing President Donald Trump’s agenda as a possible vote on the measure looms Wednesday afternoon.

Fiscal hawks are rebelling against GOP leaders over plans to pass the Senate’s version of a sweeping framework that sets the stage for a Trump policy overhaul on the border, energy, defense and taxes.

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Their main concern has been the difference between the Senate and House’s required spending cuts, which conservatives want to offset the cost of the new policies and as an attempt to reduce the national deficit. The Senate’s plan calls for a minimum of $4 billion in cuts, while the House’s floor is much higher at $1.5 trillion.

«The problem is, I think a lot of people don’t trust the Senate and what their intentions are, and that they’ll mislead the president and that we won’t get done what we need to get done,» Rep. Rich McCormick, R-Ga., told reporters on Tuesday. «I’m a ‘no’ until we figure out how to get enough votes to pass it.»

SENATE GOP PUSHES TRUMP BUDGET FRAMEWORK THROUGH AFTER MARATHON VOTE SERIES

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Republicans aren’t necessarily on the same page just yet about budget reconciliation. (Reuters)

McCormick said there were as many as 40 GOP lawmakers who were undecided or opposed to the measure.

A meeting with a select group of holdouts at the White House on Tuesday appeared to budge a few people, but many conservatives signaled they were largely unmoved.

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«I wouldn’t put it on the floor,» Rep. Chip Roy, R-Texas, told reporters after the White House meeting. «I’ve got a bill in front of me, and it’s a budget, and that budget, in my opinion, will increase the deficit, and I didn’t come here to do that.»

Senate GOP leaders praised the bill as a victory for Trump’s agenda when it passed the upper chamber in the early hours of Saturday morning.

Trump urged all House Republicans to support it in a Truth Social post on Monday evening.

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Meanwhile, House Republican leaders like Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., have appealed to conservatives by arguing that passing the Senate version does not in any way impede the House from moving ahead with its steeper cuts.

The House passed its framework in late February.

Rep. Chip Roy

Rep. Chip Roy, R-Texas, who was at the White House meeting on Tuesday afternoon, is still skeptical about the Senate plan. (Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images)

Congressional Republicans are working on a massive piece of legislation that Trump has dubbed «one big, beautiful bill» to advance his agenda on border security, defense, energy and taxes.

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Such a measure is largely only possible via the budget reconciliation process. Traditionally used when one party controls all three branches of government, reconciliation lowers the Senate’s threshold for passage of certain fiscal measures from 60 votes to 51. As a result, it has been used to pass broad policy changes in one or two massive pieces of legislation.

Passing frameworks in the House and Senate, which largely only include numbers indicating increases or decreases in funding, allows each chamber’s committees to then craft policy in line with those numbers under their specific jurisdictions. 

MEET THE TRUMP-PICKED LAWMAKERS GIVING SPEAKER JOHNSON A FULL HOUSE GOP CONFERENCE

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Members of the conservative House Freedom Caucus have pushed for Johnson to allow the House GOP to simply begin crafting its bill without passing the Senate version, though both chambers will need to eventually pass identical bills to send to Trump’s desk.

«Trump wants to reduce the interest rates. Trump wants to lower the deficits. The only way to accomplish those is to reduce spending. And $4 billion is not – that’s … anemic. That is really a joke,» Rep. Eric Burlison, R-Mo., told reporters.

He said «there’s no way» the legislation would pass the House this week.

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The measure will likely go through the House Rules Committee, which acts as the final gatekeeper for most legislation getting a chamber-wide vote.

Rep. Eric Burlison

Rep. Eric Burlison, R-Mo., who was not at the White House meeting, is also skeptical of the Senate plan. (Bill Clark/CQ-Roll Call via Getty Images)

However, tentative plans for a late-afternoon House Rules Committee meeting on the framework, which would have set up a Wednesday vote, were scrapped by early evening on Tuesday.

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The legislation could still get a House-wide vote late on Wednesday if the committee meets in the morning.

As for the House speaker, he was optimistic returning from the White House meeting on Tuesday afternoon.

«Great meeting. The president was very helpful and engaged, and we had a lot of members whose questions were answered,» Johnson told reporters. «I think we’ll be moving forward this week.»

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Fox News’ Ryan Schmelz and Aishah Hasnie contributed to this report.

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Punto por Punto: en qué consiste el plan de Trump para poner fin a la guerra en Gaza

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Punto por Punto: en qué consiste el plan de Trump para poner fin a la guerra en Gaza (REUTERS/Evelyn Hockstein)

El presidente de Estados Unidos, Donald Trump, anunció que Israel y el grupo terrorista Hamas llegaron a un acuerdo para un intercambio de rehenes por prisioneros, en el marco de la primera fase de un plan global para la finalización de la guerra en Gaza.

El plan, estructurado en 20 puntos, establece los pasos a seguir en la zona de Medio Oriente. El primer punto del esquema establece que Gaza debe convertirse en “una zona desradicalizada y libre de terrorismo para que no represente una amenaza para sus vecinos”. La segunda cláusula agrega que el enclave “será reconstruido para beneficio de su población, que ha sufrido más que suficiente”.

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El tercer apartado fija la condición de que, si ambas partes aceptan, “la guerra terminará inmediatamente”. Israel deberá retirarse a la línea acordada para preparar la liberación de los cautivos, mientras se congelan las operaciones militares. El cuarto punto impone un plazo estricto: “Dentro de las 72 horas de que Israel acepte públicamente este acuerdo, todos los rehenes, vivos y muertos, serán devueltos”.

El plan, estructurado en 20
El plan, estructurado en 20 puntos, establece los pasos a seguir en la zona de Medio Oriente (Europa Press)

El quinto punto establece el componente recíproco: tras la liberación de los rehenes, Israel pondrá en libertad a “250 prisioneros condenados a cadena perpetua, además de 1.700 gazatíes detenidos después del 7 de octubre de 2023, incluidas todas las mujeres y niños”.

También se estipula que, por cada rehén fallecido que se devuelva, Israel entregará “los restos de 15 gazatíes”.

El sexto punto aborda el tratamiento de los combatientes de Hamas. Quienes se comprometan a la “coexistencia pacífica y a entregar sus armas” recibirán amnistía, y quienes deseen salir de Gaza contarán con un pasaje seguro hacia otros países.

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El séptimo compromiso abre la puerta a la asistencia humanitaria: “Al aceptarse este acuerdo, la ayuda ingresará inmediatamente en Gaza”, con volúmenes mínimos iguales a los pactados en el acuerdo del 19 de enero de 2025, incluyendo reparación de infraestructuras esenciales.

El quinto punto establece el
El quinto punto establece el componente recíproco: tras la liberación de los rehenes, Israel pondrá en libertad a “250 prisioneros condenados a cadena perpetua, además de 1.700 gazatíes detenidos después del 7 de octubre de 2023, incluidas todas las mujeres y niños” (REUTERS/Dawoud Abu Alkas)

Según el octavo apartado, la distribución de esa ayuda quedará en manos de la ONU, la Cruz Roja y otras instituciones neutrales. El cruce de Rafah se abrirá en ambas direcciones bajo el mismo mecanismo del acuerdo de enero.

El noveno punto crea un gobierno provisional: Gaza quedará bajo la administración de un “comité tecnocrático palestino, apolítico, con supervisión internacional de una ´Junta de Paz´, encabezado por Donald Trump y figuras como Tony Blair”, encargado de la financiación de la reconstrucción hasta que la Autoridad Palestina pueda asumir el control.

El décimo punto introduce un “plan económico de Trump para reconstruir y revitalizar Gaza”, a cargo de expertos en desarrollo urbano del Medio Oriente. El undécimo crea una “zona económica especial con tarifas preferenciales y acceso negociado con países participantes”. El duodécimo apartado garantiza que “nadie será forzado a salir de Gaza”, aunque quienes deseen emigrar pueden hacerlo con derecho de retorno.

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El punto trece excluye al grupo terrorista Hamas del futuro político del enclave: “Hamas y otras facciones acuerdan no tener ningún papel en el gobierno de Gaza, directa o indirectamente”. Todo el arsenal militar será destruido bajo supervisión internacional, con un programa de recompra de armas y reintegración financiado por donantes externos. El decimocuarto punto asegura la participación de actores regionales en la vigilancia del cumplimiento de las obligaciones para garantizar que “la nueva Gaza no represente una amenaza”.

El décimo punto introduce un
El décimo punto introduce un “plan económico de Trump para reconstruir y revitalizar Gaza”, a cargo de expertos en desarrollo urbano del Medio Oriente (Europa Press)

El decimoquinto establece una Fuerza Internacional de Estabilización, que “se desplegará de inmediato en Gaza” para entrenar a la policía local y cooperar con Egipto e Israel en el control fronterizo. El decimosexto compromete a Israel a no ocupar ni anexar el territorio, con una retirada progresiva en función de la desmilitarización, conservando solo un perímetro de seguridad transitorio.

El decimoséptimo apartado prevé medidas de ayuda y reconstrucción en zonas “libres de terrorismo” bajo control internacional en caso de que Hamas dilate o rechace el plan.

El decimoctavo punto impulsa “un proceso de diálogo interreligioso basado en la tolerancia y la coexistencia”. El decimonoveno sugiere que “al avanzar la reconstrucción y cumplirse el programa de reforma de la Autoridad Palestina”, podrían darse condiciones para avanzar hacia “la autodeterminación y el Estado palestino”.

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El vigésimo y último punto establece que Estados Unidos “abrirá un diálogo entre Israel y los palestinos para acordar un horizonte político de coexistencia pacífica y próspera”.

(Con información de AFP y EFE)



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A dizzying ride on the Hill: Lawmakers debate in circles as shutdown enters week two

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It must be something about October and two-year intervals in Congress.

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Congress was paralyzed for more than three weeks without a leader two years ago this October as the House unceremoniously ousted former Speaker Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif.

And Congress is paralyzed again this October – unable to find the votes to re-open the government.

«There’s nothing for us to negotiate,» said House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La. «We did the job to keep the government open. And now it’s on the Senate Democrats.»

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OMINOUS RED AND ORANGE SKIES HAD CAPITOL HILL TAKE NOTICE AS SHUTDOWN LOOMED

But Democrats say that’s the problem. There haven’t been negotiations. Save for a brief White House meeting last week between President Trump and the top four bipartisan, bicameral Congressional leaders a day before the shutdown.

«The Majority Leader in the Senate, John Thune, R-S.D., talks about, ‘we’ll have conversations.’ We need more than conversations. We need a real negotiation,» said Sen. Mark Kelly, D-Ariz., on Fox.

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So there are no talks. And the sides are seemingly talking past each other.

It seems as though Congress is positively heading nowhere as shutdown negotiations drag on. (Elizabeth Frantz/Reuters)

So, they’ve turned to handicapping.

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Sen. John Kennedy, R-La., gamed out that the shutdown would run another week.

«It won’t end until everybody in the Senate takes their ego out back and shoots it. And then it’ll end,» predicted Kennedy.

It always is, and always will be about the math.

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Senate Republicans can conjure up the votes of 55 senators to break a filibuster on the House-passed bill to fund the government. But they need 60 yeas. And Republicans are determined to stick to their playbook.

«I can tell you there’s more than five Democrats in the Senate who know that (Senate Minority Leader) Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y. has led them into a box canyon with this Schumer shutdown,» said Sen. Tom Cotton, R-Ark., on Fox. «But the consequences will start to pile up.»

REPORTER’S NOTEBOOK: SENATE REVOTES TODAY ON ENDING GOVERNMENT SHUTDOWN

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White House spokeswoman Karoline Leavitt wouldn’t directly answer a question about what would trigger federal firings. But Leavitt made clear that jobs hung in the balance.

«We don’t want to see people laid off. But unfortunately, if this shutdown continues, layoffs are going to be an unfortunate consequence of that,» said Leavitt.

Democrats excoriated the Trump Administration for hinting it would cut programs and jobs in agencies important to Democrats.

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«Americans really hate bullies. And this kind of bullying from the White House is going to backlash because they understand that an authoritarian president uses grants to New York for infrastructure, laying off workers, deliberately inflicting pain,» predicted Sen. Richard Blumenthal, D-Conn. «Don’t inflict unnecessary pain and then boast about it.»

Some Republicans practically reveled in the White House approach.

«All’s fair in love and war. I think that there’s a price to pay for the Democrats shutting this down,» said Sen. Roger Marshall, R-Kan. «These will be part of the consequences.»

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Sen. Peter Welch

Sen. Peter Welch, D-Vt., argued that the shutdown is «collective punishment» and undercuts Republicans equally harshly. (Tierney L. Cross/Getty Images)

But one Democrat argued that the Trump administration’s gambit would also undercut Republicans and voters who supported the president. Even in blue states.

«There’s a lot of folks in Vermont, there’s lot of folk in Illinois who voted for President Trump. So this sort of collective punishment,» said Sen. Peter Welch, D-Vt., on Fox. «I think it’s a really bad idea.»

But the president is coy about when the shutdown could trigger federal layoffs.

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«It could,» said the president. «At some point it will.»

Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy noted that his department saw «a slight uptick» in aviation safety employees who were calling out sick during the shutdown – since they weren’t being paid.

«They’re thinking about how am I going to get a paycheck? How do I make a car payment,» said Duffy.

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WHITE HOUSE ESCALATES SHUTDOWN CONSEQUENCES AS DEMOCRATS SHOW NO SIGNS OF BUDGING: ‘KAMIKAZE ATTACK’

But if you squint, you can see a few signs of bipartisanship.

Johnson is discussing Obamacare subsidies with one prominent Democrat.

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«I had I think a fruitful discussion, with Sen. Patty Murray, D-Wash., about two days ago, a day or so ago,» said Johnson on efforts to address looming Obamacare premium spikes. «Whatever the conference committee comes up with, I will put on the floor. I’m ready to go.»

But Schumer is skeptical about the Speaker’s promises.

«Delay has always been Speaker Johnson’s MO. Speaker Johnson has survived by kicking the can down the road,» said Schumer. «When Johnson says later, they know he means never.»

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mike johnson and john thune

Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., insists Democrats are «playing a losing game.» (Alex Brandon/AP Photo)

Tension is building as the shutdown barrels into its second week as lawmakers spin in circles.

«I realize that my Democrat colleagues are facing pressure from members of their far left base. But they’re playing a losing game here,» said Thune.

But each side is now engaged in a game of parliamentary chicken. Republicans won’t budge from their demand that Senate Democrats approve their funding plan. And Democrats won’t relent from their insistence that the sides shore up Obamacare subsidies.

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«I’m not going to vote to reopen the government until I see a way that we can do that,» said Sen. Chris Coons, D-Del.

Even some Republicans worry about Obamacare price spikes.

«There are some folks in what is the new part of the Republican Party, which is blue-collar workers,» said Rep. Jeff Van Drew, R-N.J., on Fox Business. «We have to be careful how we do this. We just shouldn’t cut it. We should make sure we use a scalpel and not a sledgehammer.»

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SHUTDOWN IGNITES STRATEGIST DEBATE: WILL TRUMP AND GOP PAY THE POLITICAL PRICE IN 2026?

But even if bipartisan senators were to forge a deal, the plan may slam into a brick wall in the House.

«Republicans have spent most of their careers being against Obamacare. Why would they expand it and add a subsidy on top of a subsidy?» asked House Appropriations Committee Chairman Tom Cole, R-Okla.

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A debate is now raging over which side will cave. Or which party faces political consequences.

Naturally, Republicans believe Democrats will pay a price.

«Their radical base just wants to see them up here fighting Donald Trump, not over any particular issues,» said House Majority Leader Steve Scalise, R-La.

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But Democrats don’t see a political downside.

«Are you concerned in any way about the political ramifications that voters might blame your side down the road?» yours truly asked House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-N.Y.

«The American people are crystal clear on who shut down the government. Crystal clear,» replied Jeffries.

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Hakeem Jeffries and Chuck Schumer

House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-N.Y., suggested Americans are «crystal clear» on who shoulders the blame for the shutdown. (Kevin Lamarque/Reuters)

However, some lawmakers doubt that voters care about who «shut down the government.»

«My constituents don’t care about the finger pointing. They just want us to govern,» said Rep. Madeleine Dean, D-Pa.

As the impasse deepens, the Senate shifted from parliamentary posturing to ecumenical intercession.

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«On this third day of the government shutdown, inspire them to work for your glory in all they think, say, and sow,» prayed Senate Chaplain Barry Black during his invocation of the Senate last week.

HERE’S WHAT TRUMP WANTS TO DO TO RESHAPE THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT DURING THE SHUTDOWN

And then there are the sideshows. The White House sent out a meme portraying Budget Director Russ Vought as the Grim Reaper. And the president trolled Jeffries with an AI-generated social media video, casting Jeffries in a sombrero and a mustache with mariachi music playing in the background.

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At the same time, Republicans warned about grave shutdown consequences.

«Real pain is being endured by real people,» said Johnson.

But in the next breath, the Speaker defended the president making light of circumstances, describing the trolling as «entertainment.»

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«That’s what President Trump does. And people are having fun with this,» said Johnson.

I didn’t let that go.

«On one hand, you say this is very serious. That people have jobs on the line. On the other hand, you say, ‘oh, this is just fun and games and they’re trolling.’ Which is it?» I inquired.

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«What they’re trying to have fun with, trying to make light of, is to point out the absurdity of the Democrats’ position,» answered Johnson.

Mike Johnson

House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., defended President Trump’s making light of current circumstances as «entertainment.» (Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images)

So we don’t know if or when Vought will drop the anvil on federal workers. But one senator who caucuses with the Democrats and voted for the GOP plan, signaled his support could wane if Republicans overplay their hand.

«If they start firing thousands of people or clawing back other kinds of programs, I think, it could hurt their chances of getting this resolved,» said Sen. Angus King, I-Maine.’

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The Senate has now blocked the House-approved spending package on six separate occasions. The sides are having casual conversations. But nothing has happened.

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It’s as though Congress is on a merry-go-round to nowhere, just going around and around. Everyone’s getting dizzy. And just wants to dismount.

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Europa, entre la guerra de Ucrania, el acoso ruso y la crisis política en Francia, que amenaza al euro

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Europa está extremadamente inquieta con la crisis política en Francia, que temen ver convertida en una crisis en toda la Unión Europea y un probable ataque de los mercados sobre el euro.

La debilidad del presidente Emmanuel Macron está afectando a todo el bloque, en plena guerra híbrida de Moscú sobre la UE y cuando se necesita fortaleza común, una estrategia y solidez política.

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La crisis institucional en Francia, pilar de la integración europea, preocupa cada vez más a sus socios, que temen una desestabilización de todo el bloque, ya debilitado por amenazas externas.

Solo Alemania habló de la necesidad de una «Francia estable» públicamente. El tema es la obsesión en Bruselas, en los pasillos del Parlamento Europeo, en los gobiernos y en las cumbres, pero nadie habla públicamente.

Existe preocupación por esta crisis sin salida y sus consecuencias económicas, institucionales y geopolíticas para el futuro de la Unión Europea.

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Paradójicamente, Macron había conseguido imponer su ADN en Europa cuando discutió la soberanía y la autonomía estratégica, mientras que ha perdido el control de la política y las instituciones de su país. Esto hace temer que Francia ya no esté preparada para implementar una visión ahora ampliamente compartida, en un momento en que las amenazas externas al Viejo Continente aumentan.

Francia no es el primer país en experimentar inestabilidad política. Holanda vuelve a las urnas tras la implosión de su coalición. España no logra aprobar el presupuesto hace tres años.

Francia, un caso sistémico

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Pero en el caso francés, el problema se considera cada vez más sistémico y plantea riesgos para todo el bloque. Cuando esta semana el Parlamento Europeo se ve sacudido por dos mociones de censura contra Ursula von der Leyen, la líder de la Comisión Europea, presentadas por Manon Aubry, de la Francia Insumisa, y Jordan Bardella, líder de la Agrupación Nacional (RN), presidentes de sus respectivos grupos en Estrasburgo, se teme que se intente importar el caos que sus partidos han instalado en la Asamblea Nacional francesa.

Europa cree que se necesitan nuevas elecciones para nombrar un nuevo Parlamento y un nuevo presidente. No hay otra solución.

La revisión al alza de la calificación de la deuda italiana por parte de Fitch, una semana después de la rebaja de la de Francia, consagra los tres años de estabilidad de Giorgia Meloni en el Palazzo Chigi.

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La debilidad del presidente Emmanuel Macron está afectando a todo el bloque, en plena guerra híbrida de Moscú sobre la UE. Foto Reuters

La imposible ecuación presupuestaria en Francia está generando tensión en los mercados de renta fija, que también se está extendiendo a los bonos de referencia alemanes.

Francia se considera «demasiado grande para quebrar», lo que podría desestabilizar a toda la eurozona. Esta última no lo necesitaba, además de los ataques comerciales de Estados Unidos y la competencia industrial china.

«El euro ofrece a Francia protección en tiempos de turbulencia», afirma Dirk Gotink, eurodiputado holandés del PPE. «Todos están pendientes de los costos de financiación franceses porque nuestras economías están altamente integradas».

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Júpiter se esfumó

¿Dónde está el general Charles de Gaulle, que evitó que Francia terminara en guerra civil? Hoy, bajo el liderazgo de Emmanuel Macron, Francia puede no encontrarse en una situación tan grave como en 1958, pero parece políticamente debilitada y a la deriva. Ya no es el faro de la renovación centrista. Su presidencia comenzó con una comparación con Júpiter, el dios-comandante de los cielos. Hoy es un narcisista refugiado en el palacio del Elíseo, mudo.

Su respuesta en 2017 al desafío de la extrema derecha y la extrema izquierda fue forjar un movimiento desideologizado, abierto a la modernización y la reforma, cuyo líder sería un debutante político de 39 años, dispuesto a usar todos los poderes de la presidencia post-De Gaulle para hacer de Francia una Francia grande de nuevo. Fue el jefe de Estado más joven del país desde Napoleón Bonaparte.

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En su segundo mandato, esta misión de crear un actor global poderoso y flexible se ha desmoronado como una torta de bodas.

Los mercados de bonos ven un país con una deuda pública del 114% del PBI, sucesivos gobiernos efímeros que no han logrado frenar el gasto ni reformar las pensiones, y un Parlamento estancado. Un presidente saliente, con elecciones programadas para 2027 y pujando por la sucesión que probablemente comenzará el próximo año, no inspira ni a los inversores ni a aquellos en Europa que creían que Macron era el hombre indicado para unir al continente mientras Estados Unidos vuelve la mirada hacia el desafío de China.

¿Y ucrania?

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Ucrania va a sufrir con su crisis de credibilidad política y sus secuelas. Su declive político hará casi imposible sostener que existe una «coalición de los bien dispuestos» dispuesta a mantener la paz en un acuerdo ucraniano de posguerra.

La defensa de Europa se verá afectada si esta agonía política francesa se prolonga. En toda Europa Central, desde Hungría, Eslovaquia y ahora la República Checa, los líderes nacionalistas cuestionan la necesidad de apoyar la lucha de Ucrania contra Rusia. No se trata simplemente de que el Kremlin los haya cortejado, sino de que han perdido la fe en que los europeos tengan la voluntad de llevar la lucha por Ucrania hasta el final. Macron, al permitirse ser superado en sus estrategias internas, está poniendo en peligro a la UE.

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