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SEE IT: Feeding Our Future fraudsters bought mansions and Mercedes with $250M in stolen meal funds
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MINNEAPOLIS, Minn. – No case in Minnesota’s sprawling fraud scandal captures the scale of taxpayer abuse like the Feeding Our Future scheme, in which the program’s director signed off on sham meal services for the poor only to have the men around her splurge on mansions, luxury cars and lavish lifestyles.
Fox News Digital has obtained the court exhibits used at trial, including photos of the properties, vehicles and designer goods prosecutors say were purchased with stolen federal nutrition dollars.
The scheme was headed by Aimee Bock, the founder and executive director of Feeding Our Future, an organization responsible for ensuring that needy kids didn’t go hungry during the COVID pandemic.
Bock presided over a network that claimed to have served 91 million meals, for which the scammers fraudulently received nearly $250 million in federal funds. Bock, who was convicted by a federal jury on March 19, 2025, of wire fraud, conspiracy and bribery for her role, was dubbed the scheme’s «mastermind» by federal prosecutors.
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Prosecutors say Aimee Bock, founder of Feeding Our Future, and Salim Said helped orchestrate one of the largest pandemic-relief fraud schemes in U.S. history. Both were found guilty of diverting federal child-nutrition funds into luxury homes, vehicles and other personal spending, according to the U.S. Attorney’s Office. (Sherburne County Sheriff’s Office)
Bock approved the meal sites, some of which were fake, and then certified the claims, signing off on the reimbursements from the Minnesota Department of Education (MDE). At least 78 people have now been indicted in the ongoing investigation.
Court exhibits used in the case against Bock and Salim Said, a local restaurant owner, captured some of the opulent spending Said splurged his ill-gotten gains on.
For instance, Said used $250,000 in stolen nutrition funds to buy a large home in Plymouth, while another $2.7 million wire transfer linked to the fraud was routed into a Minneapolis mansion-style office building, prosecutors said, that served as the headquarters for his company, Safari Group.
The property stood in stark contrast to the daycare centers and after-school programs the federal money was supposed to help.
The exhibits also showed that Said used fraud proceeds to buy a black 2021 Mercedes-Benz GLA and a 2021 Chevy Silverado.
Said operated Safari Restaurant, a small Minneapolis eatery that claimed to be serving more than 4,000 meals per day to the poor, according to federal exhibits, while his company and co-conspirators opened additional sites, as well as dozens of shell companies, which received more than $32 million in Federal Child Nutrition Program funds, prosecutors said.
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A Minneapolis property at 2722–42 Park Avenue South that prosecutors said was purchased with a $2.7 million wire transfer tied to the Feeding Our Future fraud scheme and used as the headquarters for Salim Said’s Safari Group. (Department of Justice)
The Plymouth home prosecutors said Salim Said purchased using a $250,000 payment traced to laundered Feeding Our Future funds. (Department of Justice)
According to the indictment, Said’s spending spree stretched far beyond the cars and houses shown in the courtroom exhibits — with additional real estate, electronics, cash transfers, restaurant buildouts and other luxury goods purchased through shell companies he controlled. Other members of the Safari group were also accused of funneling nutrition dollars into luxury cars and designer goods.
Federal prosecutors did not accuse Bock of personally buying big-ticket items with the fraud proceeds.
Instead, they said she built and protected the network that enabled others to spend the money. The exhibits show she approved the sites, signed the checks and kept investigators at bay, leaving her inner circle to splurge while she ran the system that made it all possible.
The only money movement directly tied to Bock in the exhibits was a picture of her making a $30,000 cash withdrawal, evidence, prosecutors said, that she was involved in a kickback scheme by accepting cash payments from meal-site operators in exchange for site approvals and reimbursements.
A series of reimbursement checks she signed for alleged fraud sites were also shown, evidence prosecutors said captured her role as the scheme’s «gatekeeper,» though not a big personal spender.
Empress Malcolm Watson Jr., whom the Minnesota Department of Revenue describes as Bock’s boyfriend, appears in some of the exhibits, including a photo of him inside a Rolls-Royce with Bock standing next to him. He’s pictured in another photo standing in front of a Lamborghini.
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Aimee Bock beside a Rolls-Royce with Empress Malcolm Watson Jr. Prosecutors said the image illustrated the lifestyle surrounding the network but did not accuse Bock of buying the vehicle. (Department of Justice)
The latter exhibit also shows designer bags, jewelry and a white Mercedes-Benz — items prosecutors labeled as «Handy Helpers Spending» to illustrate the lavish lifestyle surrounding Bock’s network. Prosecutors made no claim that Bock bought the items herself and one co-conspirator even testified that Bock warned them not to splurge, telling them that luxury purchases would «become obvious.»
Watson earned more than $1 million for work he did as an employee of Bock’s for-profit childcare consulting business, as well as work his own remodeling company performed for that business, according to the Minnesota Department of Revenue. Prosecutors say Watson spent more than $680,000 on travel, jewelry, vehicles, cash withdrawals, or transfers to other accounts.
Watson has not been charged in the Feeding Our Future cases. He was charged with six tax-related felony offenses in September for allegedly underreporting his income for 2020 and 2021, failing to file a return for 2022 and failing to pay the income taxes he owed for those years. Watson allegedly owes more than $64,000 in unpaid income tax. He is currently being held in the Anoka County jail on a felony probation violation unrelated to the tax case.
A 2021 Mercedes-Benz GLA prosecutors said Salim Said bought with fraud proceeds using a $60,000 check. (Department of Justice)
A 2021 Chevrolet Silverado that prosecutors said Salim Said bought with stolen federal nutrition funds using a $47,000 check. (Department of Justice)
Government exhibit show designer bags, jewelry, cash piles, a Lamborghini photo and a white Mercedes prosecutors labeled as «Handy Helpers Spending» to illustrate the lavish lifestyle inside the network surrounding Aimee Bock. Prosecutors made no claim that Bock personally bought these items. (Department of Justice)
At trial, Bock’s attorneys claimed she was an unwitting administrator who trusted the wrong people and followed United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) rules during a chaotic pandemic. The USDA supplied the federal child nutrition funds via the MDE.
Her defense team said she believed the meal sites were legitimate and was being blamed for systemic oversight failures.
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Prosecutors countered that Bock personally approved many of the worst offenders, including the Safari network.
The DOJ also introduced slides showing emails and communications where Bock accused the MDE of racism when regulators questioned suspicious claims. In 2021, when the MDE grew suspicious and tried to stop the flow of funds, Feeding Our Future sued, alleging racial discrimination. A judge ordered the state to restart reimbursements — a ruling prosecutors said enabled the scheme to escalate.
«Bock lied to MDE and falsely accused state officials of racism to keep the money flowing,» one of the slides reads.
Another slide quoted a witness telling jurors, «Aimee Bock was a God,» describing how much power she held over the network.
The exhibit shows Aimee Bock at a bank counter making a $30,000 cash withdrawal, evidence prosecutors said was tied to the bribery and kickback allegations in Count 40. (Department of Justice)
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The government presented multiple slides showing that witnesses testified that Bock understood the numbers were fake or impossible and approved them anyway.
«That math ain’t mathin’,» said Cerresso Fort, the owner of SIR Boxing, describing figures he told jurors could not have been real.
Although the Safari Group was the single largest cell in the operation, prosecutors said more than a dozen additional networks operated under Feeding Our Future’s umbrella.
Taken together, these groups submitted more than $250 million in fake invoices, making the conspiracy one of the largest pandemic-era frauds in the United States.
A DOJ conspiracy diagram presented at trial shows Aimee Bock at the top of the network, with Salim Said and Safari Group operators below her. Prosecutors said Bock approved the claims that funneled millions to the men in her network. (Department of Justice)
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INTERNACIONAL
El régimen iraní identificó a casi 3.000 muertos por la represión mientras la ONU estima que la cifra llegaría a cerca de 20.000
El régimen iraní publicó este domingo una lista con los nombres de 2.986 personas fallecidas durante la represión de las protestas que comenzaron en diciembre, un balance que Teherán cifra en 3.117 muertos totales. Sin embargo, la Organización de las Naciones Unidas y organizaciones de derechos humanos advierten que la magnitud real de la masacre perpetrada por la República Islámica podría ser entre seis y diez veces superior, con estimaciones que alcanzan las 20.000 víctimas mortales.
“Me gustaría informar con tristeza a la noble nación de Irán que el número total de víctimas de los recientes acontecimientos es de 3.117”, afirmó el presidente Masud Pezeshkian en un comunicado oficial. El mandatario iraní explicó que la diferencia de 131 personas entre el total declarado y la lista publicada “se debe a la identidad desconocida de varias personas y a las discrepancias en el registro del documento nacional de identidad”, que serán incluidas en una lista complementaria una vez corregidas.
Pezeshkian anunció además que en las próximas 48 horas se habilitará un sistema para que “cualquier nueva información y reclamación pueda ser examinada y verificada sin complicaciones administrativas”.
El comunicado presidencial mantiene la línea argumental del régimen, que atribuye el elevado número de víctimas a “terroristas” respaldados por Estados Unidos e Israel. “Los enemigos históricos y los detractores comercian con las vidas de las personas como si fueran un número”, afirmó Pezeshkian, sin hacer referencias específicas.
Las cifras oficiales, sin embargo, contrastan drásticamente con los datos recabados por organismos internacionales. La relatora especial de la ONU para Irán, Mai Sato, declaró a medios estadounidenses que informes de médicos dentro del país indican que las víctimas mortales podrían alcanzar las 20.000 personas.
“La magnitud de los fallecidos y heridos por la represión de las protestas a lo largo de este mes ha sido enorme, de miles de personas”, confirmó Ravina Shamdasani, portavoz de la Oficina de Naciones Unidas para los Derechos Humanos, aunque reconoció que es “difícil verificar las informaciones que llegan desde el país dadas las restricciones continuas sobre el terreno”.
Amnistía Internacional y Human Rights Watch han documentado el uso de fuerza letal indiscriminada, con fuerzas de seguridad disparando rifles y escopetas cargadas con perdigones metálicos contra manifestantes desarmados. Las morgues desbordadas, el uso de contenedores refrigerados para almacenar cadáveres y los entierros apresurados sin identificación previa apuntan, según estas organizaciones, a un intento deliberado de ocultar la verdadera escala de la masacre.
El apagón casi total de internet impuesto por el régimen desde el 8 de enero ha sido clave para dificultar la verificación independiente. NetBlocks, organización de monitoreo de ciberseguridad, confirmó que se trata del bloqueo digital más prolongado en la historia de Irán, con el objetivo explícito de impedir que los ciudadanos difundan imágenes de la represión y de aislar al país del escrutinio internacional. Esta desconexión ha permitido que las fuerzas de seguridad actúen con mayor impunidad, según denunciaron organizaciones de derechos humanos.
Las protestas estallaron el 28 de diciembre de 2025 en el Gran Bazar de Teherán, inicialmente motivadas por el colapso económico que atraviesa Irán. La tasa de inflación alcanzó el 42,2% en diciembre, con un aumento del 72% en el precio de los alimentos. El rial iraní se depreció drásticamente, con el dólar estadounidense alcanzando los 145.000 tomanes.
Lo que comenzó como huelgas de comerciantes se transformó rápidamente en manifestaciones masivas en las 31 provincias del país, con cánticos contra el líder supremo Ali Khamenei y exigencias de cambio del sistema político. Se trata de las protestas más grandes desde los disturbios de 2022 tras la muerte de Mahsa Amini bajo custodia policial.
La represión alcanzó su punto más crítico los días 8 y 9 de enero, cuando el líder supremo Khamenei ordenó al Consejo Supremo de Seguridad Nacional reprimir las protestas “por cualquier medio necesario”, según informaron funcionarios iraníes a medios internacionales.
Las fuerzas de seguridad recibieron la orden de disparar para matar sin mostrar piedad. The New York Times verificó videos que muestran a agentes abriendo fuego contra manifestantes en al menos 19 ciudades y seis barrios de Teherán. En la ciudad de Fardis, testigos alegan que más de 50 manifestantes fueron abatidos tras el despliegue de una ametralladora montada en un vehículo.
El Consejo de Derechos Humanos de la ONU aprobó la semana pasada, en una sesión de emergencia, una resolución con 25 votos a favor que denuncia que la represión violenta “ha resultado en la muerte de miles de personas, incluyendo niños, y un gran número de heridos”.
El texto, respaldado por Francia, Italia, España y Reino Unido, instó a las autoridades iraníes a poner fin a las ejecuciones extrajudiciales, las desapariciones forzadas, la tortura y otros abusos contra manifestantes pacíficos. La resolución prorrogó dos años más el mandato de la Misión Internacional Independiente de Investigación sobre Irán y por un año el de la relatora especial.
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A photo showing Zohran Mamdani at a high-profile luncheon tied to longtime Jeffrey Epstein associate Peggy Siegal has emerged following the release of newly unsealed Justice Department records that also reference his mother, Mira Nair.
The photo, taken Nov. 15, 2017, shows the now-New York City mayor smiling at the Universal Pictures «Get Out» Peggy Siegal luncheon at Lincoln Ristorante in Manhattan.
The event was hosted by Siegal, a once-powerful Hollywood publicist who later faced industry backlash over her deep social ties to Epstein.
Siegal was never charged with a crime.
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(L-R) Zohran Mamdani, Daniel Kaluuya, Mira Nair and Shimit Amin attend Universal Pictures’ «Get Out» Peggy Siegal Luncheon at Lincoln Ristorante on November 15, 2017, in New York City. (Owen Hoffmann/Patrick McMullan via Getty Images)
The image surfaced days after filmmaker Nair was named in a newly released tranche of documents connected to Epstein and his convicted accomplice, Ghislaine Maxwell.
The records, made public Jan. 30, 2026, are part of a broader release of millions of pages detailing Epstein’s social and professional network. The documents do not allege criminal wrongdoing by those mentioned.
In a 2009 email included in the release, Siegal wrote to Epstein about an after-party for the film Amelia, which Nair had directed.
The message states the gathering took place at Maxwell’s Manhattan townhouse and lists attendees including former President Bill Clinton, Amazon founder Jeff Bezos and Nair.
The correspondence documents attendance only and does not allege misconduct by those named.
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(L-R) Jason Blum, Allison Williams, Jordan Peele, Daniel Kaluuya, Sean McKittrick and Peggy Siegal attend Universal Pictures’ «Get Out» Peggy Siegal Luncheon at Lincoln Ristorante on November 15, 2017, in New York City. (Owen Hoffmann/Patrick McMullan via Getty Images)
In the 2017 luncheon photo, Mamdani appears alongside actor Daniel Kaluuya, filmmaker Shimit Amin and Nair as they celebrated Jordan Peele’s movie, «Get Out,» which won the Academy Award for best original screenplay.
A second image from the same event shows Peele, producer Jason Blum, Allison Williams and Siegal, highlighting the luncheon’s prominence during Hollywood’s awards season.
Another photo from December 2016 also shows Nair attending a private-residence film event with Siegal for «Queen of Katwe.»
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(L-R) Peggy Siegal, Lydia Dean Pilcher, Mira Nair, David Oyelowo and Zoe Oyelowo attend Barbara Broccoli and Walt Disney Studios Host a Screening and Reception for «Queen of Katwe» with Mira Nair and David Oyelowo at Private Residence on December 5, 2016, in New York City. (Aurora Rose/Patrick McMullan via Getty Images)
At the time, Siegal was a dominant figure in entertainment publicity, known for her access to major studios, A-list talent and industry power brokers.
In 2019, following reporting that detailed her association with Epstein, multiple Hollywood studios, including Netflix, FX and Annapurna Pictures, cut ties with her, according to Variety.
Epstein was first arrested in Florida in 2006 on charges of procuring a child for prostitution and soliciting a prostitute.
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The Department of Justice has released millions of Epstein documents after President Trump signed the Epstein Files Transparency Act in November. (Patrick McMullan via Getty Images)
He later pleaded guilty, served 13 months in jail with work release and registered as a sex offender.
He died in a Manhattan jail cell in August 2019 while awaiting trial on federal sex-trafficking charges.
Maxwell is serving a 20-year federal prison sentence following her conviction for sex trafficking.
Nair, an internationally respected director known for films including Salaam Bombay!, Monsoon Wedding, The Namesake and Queen of Katwe, has long been a fixture in elite film circles, especially in Manhattan.
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She is married to academic Mahmood Mamdani.
Fox News Digital has reached out to Zohran Mamdani’s office and Peggy Siegal for comment.
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