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Desperate young Guatemalans try to reach the US even after horrific deaths of migrating relatives

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COMITANCILLO, Guatemala (AP) — Every night for nearly two years, Glendy Aracely Ramírez has prayed by the altar in her parents’ mud-brick bedroom where, under a large crucifix, is a picture of her sister Blanca. The 23-year-old died alongside 50 other migrants in a smuggler’s tractor-trailer in Texas.

«I ask God for my family’s health and that I might get to the United States one day. My mom asks God that she won’t have to see another accident,» said Glendy, 17, who has already packed a small backpack for her own journey from the family’s home 8,900 feet (2,700 meters) up in Guatemala’s highlands.

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Her «coyote» postponed it for a few days because of a flare-up in violence among Mexican drug cartels that control migrants’ routes to the United States, but she is undeterred.

Guatemala-Desperate-Young-Migrants

Olivia Orozco Lopez cries as she holds a portrait of her late daughter Celestina Carolina during an interview in the Culvilla hamlet of Tejutla, Guatemala, Tuesday, March 19, 2024. Carolina died asphyxiated alongside 50 other migrants in a smugglers’ trailer truck in San Antonio, Texas in June 2022.  (AP Photo/Moises Castillo)

Tens of thousands of youths from this region would rather take deadly risks — even repeatedly — than stay behind where they see no future. Blanca’s fatal journey was her third attempt to reach the U.S.

«I want to go there, because here there are no opportunities, even though Mom says that I’ll suffer what Blanca did,» Glendy said as she sat with her mother, Filomena Crisóstomo, in their tidy dirt-floor courtyard. «I’d like to have a house, help my family and get ahead.»

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The record-high numbers of migrants illegally crossing the U.S.-Mexico border have made migration a top concern in this U.S. presidential election year. Among those migrants, the largest group of unaccompanied minors has been from Guatemala — nearly 50,000 of the 137,000 encounters recorded by border authorities in the last fiscal year.

Most come from tiny hamlets in the predominantly Indigenous Western Highlands. Daily wages top out around the equivalent of $9, far below the supposed legal minimum. In tiny plots of brittle clay soil — often the only collateral for loans to pay smugglers’ fees that can reach $20,000 — many families grow corn and beans to eat.

Little else sprouts from the steep mountainsides except for the exuberantly decorated, multi-story concrete homes built with remittances from loved ones in the United States — constant reminders of what’s possible if only one makes it «to the north.»

In the small town of Comitancillo, two murals serve as a different reminder — they’re memorials to the nearly two dozen local migrants who died in recent mass tragedies. They either asphyxiated in the trailer in San Antonio, Texas, in June 2022, or were shot and set afire by rogue police officers in Camargo, Mexico, in January 2021.

It took less than a week after the remains from the Camargo massacre were returned to Comitancillo for burial before the first surviving family member left for the U.S.

And with a 17-year-old boy who made it to Florida this winter, now at least one relative has migrated from nearly all of the families since the massacre, said the Rev. José Luis González, a priest with the Jesuit Migration Network. The lone exception was an older man whose family was already north of the border; he died trying to make it back after being deported, González said.

«It’s an evident sign that the fear to stay is bigger than the fear to go,» said González, who started ministering to the affected families when they traveled some six hours to Guatemala’s capital for DNA tests to identify the remains.

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Many families credit the Jesuit group for being the only institution that has stayed by their side, regularly traveling to Comitancillo to provide legal updates — nearly a dozen police officers were sentenced last fall in the Camargo case — as well psychological, humanitarian and pastoral assistance.

On a recent morning, about 50 relatives of those lost either in Camargo or San Antonio gathered for a meeting with the Jesuit group that included workshops to process depression and grief. Most were women and children speaking Mam, one of Guatemala’s two dozen Mayan languages.

One of the handful of fathers at the meeting was Virgilio Ambrocio. The eldest of his eight children, Celestina Carolina, was making less than $90 a month as a housekeeper in Guatemala City and sending half of that back home to help feed her siblings. So she decided to try her luck in the United States, and died at 23 in the trailer.

«The hardest part is, who’s going to help us now,» Ambrocio said as dust swirled around his home. His wife, Olivia Orozco, wept silently, while holding a framed photo of a smiling Celestina.

The primary driver of migration over the past 10 years is the inability to get jobs to pay for the most basic necessities, said Ursula Roldán, a researcher at Rafael Landívar University in Guatemala City. That’s exacerbated by the debts families incur to pay the smugglers, which would take 10 years’ worth of in-country wages to repay — making it crucial to get to the U.S. and send back remittances from far higher wages.

Rising violence in the Mexican regions bordering Guatemala is also pushing more migrants to head to the U.S. instead of working seasonal agricultural jobs there. Climate change is affecting even subsistence farming.

In their one-room home near Comitancillo, Reina Coronado tried to convince the eight children she had since she married at 16 that they didn’t have to risk their lives.

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Some went north anyway, including Aracely Florentina Marroquín, 21, who had completed high school like Blanca and, like her, felt she had wasted her family’s money in studying since she still couldn’t get a professional job.

The last thing she told Coronado was that she’d go only for four years and send money to build a kitchen, so she wouldn’t have to cook tortillas over an open fire. Next came the call from Texas that made Coronado cry for months. Today, she finds some comfort caring for two young daughters still living with her and the animals she raises.

«Even though it’s a struggle, one has to fight, to try to keep going,» Coronado said. «I go to work and that way the day, and the hard moments, pass. Sometimes I do it crying, but I trust in our Father, the Lord.»

Marcelina Tomás has also been praying for strength since her oldest son, Anderson Pablo, was murdered in Camargo — and especially in recent months since his younger brother Emerson, 17, also went to the U.S.

Anderson was in 9th grade when the pandemic hit and he started working in the fields alongside his father. Their wages of around $6 a day were enough to afford tortillas each day for the family of 11, but not something to go with them, Tomás said. So she and her husband agreed to help Anderson get loans for the $16,000 smuggling fee.

Twelve days after Anderson, 16, left their home near Comitancillo, news of the Camargo massacre arrived via social media. Pregnant with her tenth child, Tomás, 37, had to leave her children with family members and spend a night away from home for the first time to undergo DNA tests in the capital that allowed Anderson’s partial remains to be identified and buried.

«Only God knows what happened. And all for wanting to get ahead,» Tomás said. «I relied on him, and he treated his little siblings so well.»

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Anderson had dissuaded Emerson from going along, saying he should stay in school a bit longer. According to Tomás, Emerson was heartbroken after his brother’s death; he enrolled in high school, but soon quit to work in a potato field.

Around the third anniversary of Anderson’s death, Emerson said he wanted to migrate, because many other youths had gone too. Tomás reminded him of Anderson’s fate, the tragedy in San Antonio, the neighbors’ children who died in the border deserts or in work accidents in the U.S.

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«‘No,’ he told me, ‘I’m going.’ And he went,» Tomás said by the altar where three pictures of Anderson stand by a crucifix, with a lit candle and a vase of calla lilies.

Anderson’s dream was to earn enough to move the family from their one-room, mud-brick house to a concrete one with separate spaces for his parents, his brothers and his sisters. They live in such a house now, built with donations received after his death.

But nobody sleeps in the room with the altar. They’re keeping it as Anderson’s room.

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INTERNACIONAL

Nicolás Maduro recibió al enviado de Donald Trump bajo una fuerte presión para que libere a estadounidenses presos

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La televisión estatal venezolana transmitió la imagen este viernes después del mediodía: Nicolás Maduro estrechó la mano de un enviado especial de Donald Trump en el palacio de Miraflores de Caracas y se registró así el primer contacto personal entre un funcionario del nuevo gobierno de Estados Unidos con el líder del régimen de Venezuela que es rechazado por buena parte del mundo.

Maduro celebró la visita como “un nuevo comienzo en las relaciones bilaterales”.

El enviado especial, Richard Grenell, y Maduro mantuvieron un encuentro privado del que se supo muy poco. Antes de que se concretara, en Washington señalaron que Grenell le exigiría aceptar las condiciones para la repatriación de “criminales y pandilleros venezolanos” del Tren de Aragua (una organización que Trump consideró como terrorista en un decreto) y que si no lo hacía habría “consecuencias”. Y también pediría la liberación de los estadounidenses presos en Venezuela.

La visita sorprendió a los venezolanos que esperaban que Trump continuara con la presión contra el dictador venezolano que había ejercido el republicano durante su primer mandato, con sanciones económicas y el aval a Juan Guaidó como presidente interino que finalmente fracasó en sus intenciones de llegar al poder.

La reunión sucede a menos de un mes de que Maduro haya firmado el 10 de enero su tercer mandato de seis años, a pesar de las múltiples evidencias de que había perdido por paliza ante Edmundo González. Los comicios fraudulentos fueron denunciados por organismos internacionales y decenas de países, entre ellos Estados Unidos, no reconocen la victoria de Maduro.

«Queremos hacer algo con Venezuela (…) ahora queremos ver qué podemos hacer para que la gente regrese a su país de manera segura y libre», explicó Trump desde el Salón Oval.

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Nicolas Maduro y el enviado de Estados Unidos, Richard Grenell, este viernes en el Palacio presidencial en Caracas. Foto: AP

Los planes de Donald Trump hacia Venezuela

Consultada la portavoz de la Casa Blanca, Karoline Leavitt, sobre si la visita a Venezuela de Grenell significaba un reconocimiento como presidente para Maduro, dijo “absolutamente no”.

Leavitt insistió en que el objetivo de la visita de Grenell es lograr que Venezuela, que no tiene relaciones diplomáticas con Estados Unidos, acepte vuelos de deportación de migrantes indocumentados y conseguir la liberación de ciudadanos estadounidenses detenidos en el país.

Mauricio Claver Carone, el enviado especial para América latina del Departamento de Estado, dio una conferencia con algunos periodistas, en la que confirmó la visita y adelantó que «el presidente Trump espera que Nicolás Maduro recupere a todos los criminales y pandilleros venezolanos que han sido exportados a Estados Unidos, y que lo haga de manera inequívoca y sin condiciones». “De lo contrario habrá consecuencias», porque «no es una negociación a cambio de algo», advirtió.

Según Claver, Grenell también tenía previsto tratar con Maduro los casos de ocho estadounidenses presos en cárceles venezolanas a quien llamó “rehenes”. «Deben ser liberados de inmediato», dijo.

Donald Trump exige a Venezuela que acepte vuelos de inmigrantes sin papels deportados desde EE.UU. Foto: BLOOMBERG  Donald Trump exige a Venezuela que acepte vuelos de inmigrantes sin papels deportados desde EE.UU. Foto: BLOOMBERG

La respuesta de Nicolás Maduro

Después de la reunión, Maduro emitió un comunicado en el que manifestó su disposición a tener “canales diplomáticos abiertos” y propuso «un nuevo comienzo en las relaciones bilaterales» a la vez que «planteó la construcción» de una «agenda cero para un nuevo comienzo en las relaciones bilaterales», rotas desde 2019.

Sin embargo, Washington asegura que la misión de Grenell en Venezuela es «muy específica» y tiene el objetivo de lograr que Caracas acepte vuelos de deportación de migrantes indocumentados y conseguir la liberación de ciudadanos estadounidenses detenidos en cárceles venezolanas.

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Estados Unidos asegura que la visita solo se enmarca en agilizar la política de deportación masiva que prometió Trump a sus votantes. El gobierno del magnate no solo considera «criminales» a los miembros de organizaciones como el Tren de Aragua, que tiene origen venezolano pero alcanza a varios países de América latina, sino también a cualquier migrante que haya entrado ilegalmente a Estados Unidos.

«Venezuela los tiene que aceptar, es su responsabilidad», recalcó Claver-Carone.

Trump también ha revocado esta semana un amparo migratorio conocido como TPS que evitaba a más de 600.000 venezolanos ser expulsados de Estados Unidos.

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