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Congress melts down: Members unleash personal attacks after weeks of shutdown drama
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Let’s face it: Politics is personal. And you cannot separate the two on Capitol Hill.
Lawmakers may not have missed legislating during the government shutdown. But they sure missed attacking one another.
Yes, both chambers of Congress voted to reopen the government. That’s legislating. There were certainly a few bills of consequence on the House and Senate floors in September before the shutdown.
There was a little bit in the Senate, which remained in session during the shutdown. There was the adoption of the measure to compel the release of the Epstein files.
EPSTEIN DOCUMENTS RAISE NEW QUESTIONS ABOUT TRUMP CONDUCT AS HE DENOUNCES DEMOCRATS
But prior to that, one must hustle all the way back to the Senate’s approval of the «big, beautiful bill» in June and the House in early July — plus the plan to defund foreign programs and the Corporation for Public Broadcasting — to find Congress really engaging in legislation of consequence in 2025.
So, what has the House of Representatives resorted to since it’s been back in session? Members taking on members. Even fellow lawmakers of their own party.
It’s gotten personal. And you don’t even have to be a voting member of the House to face the wrath of your colleagues.
There was an effort by Republicans to censure the non-voting Democratic member from the U.S. Virgin Islands to Congress, Del. Stacey Plaskett, for exchanging messages with Epstein in preparation for President Donald Trump’s first impeachment in 2019.
Trump loyalists in the House would find revenge on Paskett sweeter than Caribbean sugar cane. Plaskett served as one of the House’s impeachment «managers,» prosecuting the House’s second impeachment case of Trump before the Senate in early 2021.
Democratic Rep. Stacey Plaskett, right, was revealed to have texted Jeffrey Epstein during a 2019 congressional hearing. (Rick Friedman/Rick Friedman Photography/Corbis via Getty Images; Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images)
The measure to rebuke Plaskett failed. And, as a result, Democrats refrained from a similar censure effort for Rep. Cory Mills, R-Fla.
That said, Democrats and some Republicans want to discipline Mills for two alleged transgressions. Democrats prepped a resolution in September to censure Mills for allegedly harassing and assaulting an ex-girlfriend in Washington, D.C.
Mills contends he did nothing wrong.
Rep. Nancy Mace, R-S.C., wants to censure Mills now. Mills provided a key vote earlier in 2025 to block the censure of Rep. Ilhan Omar, D-Minn., over her remarks following the assassination of Charlie Kirk.
Some lawmakers also want House discipline for Mace after authorities claim she cursed and berated TSA workers and other employees at the Charleston, South Carolina, airport recently.
Rep. Marie Gluesenkamp Perez forced a vote on rebuking fellow House Democratic Rep. Jesus «Chuy» Garcia. (Bill Clark/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images; Jonathan Gibby/Getty Images)
Rep. Marie Gluesenkamp Perez, D-Wash., is one of the most centrist members in the House. She prepped a rebuke of Rep. Chuy Garcia, D-Ill., in November.
Garcia is retiring at the end of his term in early 2027. He filed for re-election but then decided at the last moment to step aside.
The Illinois Democrat cited family-related health reasons and his family’s recent adoption of an 8-year-old boy. However, the only person who apparently knew about the Congressman’s plans was Patty Garcia, his chief of staff.
Chuy Garcia is not related to Patty Garcia. However, she filed paperwork to run for the House seat with just moments to spare before the deadline. It turns out that Patty Garcia is the only one to file for the seat. That means Patty Garcia is practically a shoo-in for victory in the heavily Democratic seat.
JOHNSON SAYS HE’S ‘OPEN’ TO CHANGING HOUSE CENSURE RULES AFTER WEEK OF POLITICAL DRAMA
The audacious move by Patty Garcia and Chuy Garcia gave critics fodder to chew on. They believed that the outgoing congressman pre-baked the ballot, delivering a political Walter Payton stiff-arm that blocked anyone else from running except his chief of staff.
Old-style Chicago machine politics haven’t been this brutal in the Windy City since they originally brewed Old Style beer.
Gluesenkamp Perez and others excoriated the sitting congressman, voting 236-183 to sanction him. Including Gluesenkamp Perez, 23 Democrats voted with all Republicans to dock Chuy Garcia.
So, it’s likely that voters will elect Patty Garcia as congresswoman-elect in the fall of 2026. But after the vote to sanction her old boss, winds blowing off of Lake Michigan would provide a warmer welcome for Patty Garcia to Capitol Hill when she prospectively takes office in January 2027.
Now there’s a move to sanction Rep. Shelia Cherfilus-McCormick D-Fla., after she was indicted for allegedly stealing $5 million in COVID-related health aid.
Rep. Greg Steube, R-Fla., prepped a resolution to expel Cherfilus-McCormick even though there’s been no trial. Cherfilus-McCormick says the indictment is a sham.
Rep. Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick was indicted by a Miami grand jury Nov. 18, 2025, for allegedly stealing $5 million in FEMA funds, according to the Department of Justice. (Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call via Getty Images)
And we haven’t even discussed efforts earlier in 2025 to expel Rep. LaMonica McIver, D-N.J., after she was charged with allegedly assaulting ICE agents at a detention center in Newark, New Jersey, in the spring. McIver continues to serve and pleaded not guilty.
This may only get worse.
Sens. Elissa Slotkin, D-Mich.; Mark Kelly, D-Ariz.; and Reps. Chrissy Houlahan, D-Pa;, Chris Deluzio, D-Pa.; Jason Crow, D-Colo.; and Maggie Goodlander, D-N.H., faced criticism over a video in which they instructed service members to defy illegal orders.
Secretary of War Pete Hegseth has now launched an investigation into Kelly and threatened to recall the former astronaut to active duty to face military discipline.
And it’s not just member on member. The president also excoriated his arch-nemesis on the Republican side of the aisle, Rep. Thomas Massie, R-Ky., for getting married 16 months after the congressman’s first wife, Rhonda, died.
Rep. Thomas Massie, R-Ky., and President Donald Trump (Graeme Sloan/Bloomberg via Getty Images; Tasos Katopodis/Getty Images)
«Did Thomas Massie, sometimes referred to as Rand Paul Jr., because of the fact that he always votes against the Republican Party, get married already??? Boy, that was quick!» Trump posted to Truth Social in November. «Anyway, have a great life Thomas and (?). His wife will soon find out that she’s stuck with a LOSER!»
It’s now officially the holiday season. And few on Capitol Hill are truly extending tidings of good cheer to their congressional colleagues. It surely can’t get any worse, can it?
Well, we’re not even halfway through the 119th Congress. And after lengthy recesses in July, all of August, a portion of September — and for the House, all of October and some of November — lawmakers are just making up for lost time. The recriminations will keep coming.
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Politicians have decided to make it personal. It’s easier to attack one another and score political points than legislate.
It’s not practical politics. Lawmakers just prefer personal politics.
congress,washington dc,donald trump,midterm elections,republicans,democrats
INTERNACIONAL
La muerte de “El Mencho”: cómo colaboró Estados Unidos con México para eliminar al capo narco
INTERNACIONAL
Cartels outgun police: Rocket launchers seized in El Mencho raid spotlight CJNG firepower
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Mexican forces seized rocket launchers capable of shooting down aircraft during the operation Sunday that killed cartel boss Ruben «Nemesio» Oseguera Cervantes, known as «El Mencho,» underscoring how the Mexican Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) amassed military-style firepower over the years.
Authorities have previously linked CJNG to a 2015 attack in Jalisco in which cartel gunmen used rocket-propelled grenades to bring down a Mexican military helicopter – one of the starkest examples of a cartel directly engaging federal forces with battlefield-grade weapons.
The assault marked a turning point in how Mexican authorities viewed the group’s capabilities.
During Sunday’s raid, officials said security forces were attacked and returned fire, deploying aircraft and specialized units to carry out the operation. Authorities said troops seized armored vehicles and heavy weapons, equipment more commonly associated with armed conflict than routine law enforcement.
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Ruben «Nemesio» Oseguera Cervantes, known as «El Mencho,» was killed during a Mexican operation in Jalisco on Sunday. (Drug Enforcement Administration)
Mexican Special Forces, with aircraft assistance from the Air Force and National Guard rapid-reaction units, participated in the mission, highlighting the scale of force required to confront senior cartel leadership.
Former U.S. officials have described CJNG as operating more like a paramilitary organization than a traditional trafficking ring, using coordinated roadblocks, armed convoys and structured enforcement wings to assert control in contested regions.
In prior reporting, former Drug Enforcement Administration officials said the group commanded large numbers of gunmen and organized itself in a way that allowed it to deploy force quickly and visibly.
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CJNG is known for its paramilitary-style operations and structure. (Eduardo Verdugo, File/AP Photo)
CJNG’s tactics have included seizing vehicles and staging coordinated attacks in urban areas to demonstrate strength and deter rivals or security forces.
Over time, such displays reinforced its reputation as one of Mexico’s most heavily armed criminal organizations.
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Smoke rises into the sky over Puerto Vallarta during an operation targeting cartel activity on Feb. 22, 2026. (Obtained by Fox News Digital)
The State Department issued a travel alert Sunday urging Americans in multiple Mexican states to shelter in place due to «ongoing security operations and related road blockages and criminal activity,» reflecting the instability that can follow major cartel confrontations.
In recent years, Mexican authorities have increasingly relied on military forces – rather than local police – to confront senior cartel figures as groups like CJNG expanded their reach and arsenals.
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The raid that killed «El Mencho» marked not only the removal of a powerful drug lord but also another example of how heavily armed cartels can challenge state forces in direct confrontations.
location mexico,mexican cartel violence,narco terror,military
INTERNACIONAL
El narcotráfico dio una brutal muestra de poder de fuego ante el cambio de estrategia del gobierno mexicano
La violencia desatada tras la muerte del líder del Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generación (CJNG), Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes, alias “El Mencho”, dejó al descubierto no solo el poder de fuego que maneja el narcotráfico en México, sino también un cambio evidente de la estrategia del gobierno en el combate contra el crimen organizado.
No fue un hecho sorpresivo. El narco domina vastas regiones donde impera su ley. Incluso, en muchos estados se convirtió en un importante empleador e impulsor de las economías locales en base a su connivencia y control del poder político y judicial.
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Con 175.000 “soldados”, es hoy la quinta fuerza empleadora más grande del país, detrás de Fomento Económico Mexicano (la empresa embotelladora más grande de Coca-Cola en el mundo), Walmart, Manpower y América Móvil. Está por delante hasta de la petrolera estatal Pemex y el poderoso Grupo Salinas.
En ese escenario, el Cartel Jalisco Nueva Generación es uno de los más poderosos y violentos.
El académico mexicano Rafael Prieto Curial, investigador del Centro de Ciencias de la Complejidad, con sede en Viena, dijo a TN que el Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generación tiene hoy 25.000 miembros.
La presión de Donald Trump y el cambio de estrategia de Claudia Sheinbaum
Algo cambió en México tras la asunción de Donald Trump hace un año. La presión ejercida por el presidente estadounidense sobre el gobierno de la izquierdista Claudia Sheinbaum derivó en un palpable cambio de estrategia en el combate al tráfico de drogas.
Hace seis años, las fuerzas federales mexicanas detuvieron y enseguida liberaron a Ovidio Guzmán, hijo de Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán, líder histórico del Cartel de Sinaloa, hoy sentenciado y detenido en una cárcel de máxima seguridad en Estados Unidos.
La presidenta de México, Claudia Sheinbaum (Foto: EFE)
Entonces, el gobierno del presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador reconoció que habían liberado al hijo de El Chapo para evitar un baño de sangre.
Hoy, la estrategia es otra. El gobierno sabía que la muerte de El Mencho iba a derivar en una ola de caos y violencia como la que se vivió el domingo en vastas zonas de Jalisco, incluso en el turístico balneario de Puerto Vallarta.
Leé también: El mensaje de la presidenta de México tras la muerte del líder del Cártel de Jalisco: “Mantenernos en calma”
“Por presión de Estados Unidos, pareciera que se está cambiando la estrategia del gobierno respecto al narco. Esto hubiera sido impensable hace 10 años. El caso emblemático fue el de Ovidio Guzmán, detenido y liberado para evitar el caos que vemos hoy. Es una visión totalmente distinta”, dijo a TN el exdiputado Fernando Rodríguez Doval, ex secretario nacional del Partido Acción Nacional (PAN, derecha).
Para el dirigente, esta nueva táctica “puede acarrear rupturas en el seno del gobierno”.
“Pareciera que esta captura y abatimiento es respuesta a las presiones de Trump, Eso está cada vez más claro. Fue un operativo conjunto. Habrá que ver hasta dónde abarcó la cooperación. Si solo fue una colaboración de inteligencia o hubo algo más. Pero es evidente que fue una acción coordinada con el gobierno de Estados Unidos”, afirmó.
El poder del narcotráfico en México
El poder del narco mexicano ha crecido en forma exponencial en los últimos años.
Los carteles manejan ejércitos propios con un poder de fuego brutal que quedó plasmado en la ola de incendios de vehículos, cortes de rutas y tiroteos que siguieron a la muerte de El Mencho.
Un policía observa un vehículo calcinado que fue incendiado en una carretera de Guadalajara, Jalisco, México, el domingo 22 de febrero de 2026, tras la muerte del líder del Cártel Jalisco Nueva Generación, Nemesio Rubén Oseguera Cervantes, conocido como «El Mencho». (Foto AP/Alejandra Leyva)
“Su muerte derivó en el despliegue en alrededor de 10 estados de muchísima fuerza narco. Esto nos habla de la enorme fuerza del crimen organizado y la debilidad dramática del Estado a pesar del éxito del operativo”, dijo Rodríguez Doval.
Para el exlegislador, el narco creció de la mano de su connivencia con el poder político. “Eso le ha permitido crecer mucho, conquistando espacios cada vez más fuertes y dominar buena parte del territorio nacional”.
El poder es tan omnipresente que el tráfico de drogas es hoy solo una parte del negocio.
“Hoy se dedican a todo tipo de actividades. Antes eran solo las drogas, pero ahora se han diversificado con ´nuevos mercados´. Se dedican al tráfico de personas, el robo de autos, el cobro de extorsiones, el secuestro, venta de gasolina, peaje. Lo que vemos es una industria criminal presente en muchos ámbitos económicos», afirmó.
La sucesión en el Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generación
En su diálogo con TN, Rafael Prieto Curial dijo que el abatimiento de El Mencho genera tres sensaciones diferentes.
“Por un lado, era el líder de uno de los carteles mas importantes del mundo, sanguinario, violento y con muchísimo poder en todos los estados del país. Su caída es algo bueno”, dijo.
Pero al mismo tiempo genera la reacción del cartel con “víctimas secundarias, pánico en la sociedad y acostumbrarse a que México es este país” dominado en vastas zonas por organizaciones criminales.
Finalmente, ahora se abre un panorama de enorme incertidumbre por la sucesión del poder en el grupo. “Si el cartel se fragmenta en más de una facción, como ocurrió con el de Sinaloa, podría terminar en una violencia terrible como sucede hoy en ese estado”, indicó.
“Pero si una persona distinta ocupa el lugar de El Mencho, el impacto es nulo. El cartel tiene mas o menos 25.000 miembros. Si pierde a uno, aunque sea el más importante, solo es uno. No estamos viendo a los otros 25.000 que siguen siendo parte del grupo. Lo feo es pensar que aquí termina la política de seguridad”, concluyó.
México, Narcotráfico
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