Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes, teniendo más de 50 año de edad, llegó a la cumbre de su carrera criminal. Identificado como líder del Cártel Jalisco Nueva Generación, Oseguera, conocido como El Mencho se convirtió en el hombre más buscado de México y Estados Unidos.

Es el segundo mexicano más buscado por Estados Unidos. El primero es Rafael Caro Quintero, El Narco de Narcos, por el asesinato de Enrique Kiki Camarena, ex agente de la DEA (Administración de Control de Drogas, por sus siglas en inglés) de EEUU. Pero inmediatamente después, en la lista de los más buscados, figura el rostro de Nemesio Oseguera, El Mencho, líder del CJNG.

La historia de Oseguera Cervantes es extraordinaria porque la gran mayoría de narcos mexicanos de su generación han sido apresados o han muerto violentamente.

Según la acusación del Departamento de Justicia de EEUU, El Mencho dirigió el CJNG ―o su versión embrionaria― al menos desde el año 2000 y logró expandirlo a la mayoría de los estados de México y a varias ciudades de los Estados Unidos. Sus primeros pasos en el narco los dio, sin embargo, bastante antes.

En Naranjo de Chila ―un pueblo al sureste de Michoacán― nació el 17 de julio de 1966 Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes, uno de los seis hermanos de una familia de productores de aguacate.

Dicen que lo bautizaron con el nombre de Rubén y él se hizo llamar Nemesio en honor a su padrino. También que su cuna es el municipio de Naranjo de Chila y otros que fue Uruapan o Aguililla. Tal vez fue este último porque allí, apenas siendo un niño que recién abandonaba la escuela en el quinto año de primaria, se contrató para cuidar los campos de aguacate, propiedad de los Valencia.

De esta familia, conocida primero como el Cártel del Aguacate (porque traficaba la marihuana escondida en los cargamentos de ese fruto), nació el Cártel del Milenio cuando saltaron a la siembra de marihuana y amapola. Tan poderosos eran en su tierra que uno de ellos, José, incluso llegó a alcalde en 1989, postulado por el PRD. Con ellos, apenas adolescente, El Mencho se hizo vigilante de los plantíos y traficante después.

Sin embargo, debió haber soñado con algo más que aguacates, porque en pocos años empacó y se mudó al norte de California, Estados Unidos.

A los 20 años, para 1986, ya había emigrado a Estados Unidos. Vivía en la bahía de San Francisco, en California, donde se involucró con una banda de tráfico de heroína y metanfetamina e intentó construir una red de clientes como dealer. El periodista estadounidense Josh Eells, en un reportaje publicado en la revista Rolling Stone y con base en información de autoridades de Estados Unidos, afirma que Abigael González Valencia, El Cuini, cuñado de Oseguera Cervantes, lo formó en el negocio de las drogas.

Fue detenido en 1986 cuando él y su hermano mayor, Abraham Oseguera, vendieron heroína a dos policías encubiertos; en 1992 fueron enviados a una prisión federal y luego deportados. Una foto de reserva del incidente muestra al Mencho, de 19 años, con una sudadera con capucha y con acné en la cara.

Dos meses después, nació su primer hija: Jessica Johanna Oseguera.

Al salir de prisión, en 1997, se enroló como policía municipal en Tomatlán, Jalisco. Allí se vinculó con los hermanos Nava Valencia del Cártel del Milenio, y con Nacho Coronel, del Cártel del Pacífico, como también llamaban a la organización criminal del Chapo Guzmán.

Con ellos, al dejar la policía, El Mencho se convirtió en una especie de consejero de seguridad y una pieza estratégica en el tráfico de drogas sintéticas a Estados Unidos gracias a su experiencia en aquel país, de acuerdo con Eells.

Desde la formación del CJNG en 2011, El Mencho pronto logró expandirse en casi todo México y tiene presencia internacional en Estados Unidos, Colombia y, sin confirmar, en Canadá, Argentina, Holanda, Ghana, Nigeria, Marruecos, Rusia, China, Corea del Sur, Alemania, Perú, Centroamérica, Bolivia, Malasia, Indonesia, Vietnam, Polonia, Australia, y Camboya, con lo que habría superado en 2018 al Cártel de Sinaloa en el tráfico de alucinógenos, de acuerdo con diversos reportes.

Oseguera Cervantes supuestamente se escondía en las montañas de Jalisco y, según la prensa local, padece insuficiencia renal, un mal que lo mantenía con diálisis y atado a una cama, por lo que la organización sería dirigida por sus lugartenientes.

En febrero de 2020, los gobiernos de México y de EEUU dieron un golpe al criminal cuando el hijo del Mencho, Rubén Oseguera González, El Menchito, fue extraditado, y su hija, Jessica Johanna Oseguera González, fue detenida mientras acudía a una de las audiencias de su hermano.

«I can’t believe they just left!»

«Why didn’t they just stay until they fixed it?»

«Why didn’t they make them stay?»

I must have fielded forty questions last week from colleagues, friends and acquaintances. Even reporters and editorial staff from other news organizations. And that’s to say nothing of a few Congressional aides.

Everyone had the same question. They were in disbelief that lawmakers just abandoned the Capitol a week ago Thursday and left the Department of Homeland Security without funding on Saturday at 12:00:01 am et.

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The Senate tried twice to avert the partial government shutdown on Thursday. The Senate failed to break a filibuster on a placeholder, undetermined funding bill. And then Sen. Chris Murphy, D-Conn., objected to a request by Sen. Katie Britt, R-Ala., to approve a stopgap, two-week funding bill. Passage of the bill would require agreement of all 100 senators. But all it took was one objection. And Murphy, speaking for many Democrats on both sides of the Capitol, interceded to sidetrack Britt’s effort.

«I’m over it!» shouted an exasperated Britt on the Senate floor, as Congress pitched at least part of the federal government into its third shutdown since October 1.

Democrats are refusing to fund the Department of Homeland Security until there’s a specific agreement to reform U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). And – few Democrats will say this out loud – but their base insists on Democrats shuttering DHS over ICE tactics after the killings of Renee Good and Alex Pretti in Minneapolis.

This is somewhat ironic. Republicans funded ICE through 2029 via last year’s One, Big, Beautiful Bill. So thanks to Democrats, TSA, the Coast Guard and FEMA – all under the DHS aegis – are without money right now. That means tens of thousands of employees are technically working without paychecks as they scan passengers at airports, patrol the seas and respond to natural disasters.

This brings us back to the basic question: Why didn’t they just stay until they figured it out?

As a reporter, I have covered dozens of shutdowns, partial shutdowns, near shutdowns, flirtations with shutdowns. That’s to say nothing of various permutations of interim spending bills – long and short – known as Continuing Resolutions or CRs. Those bills keep the funding flowing at the old spending level – until lawmakers all agree on something new. Sometimes one CR begets another CR. And even another one after that until everything’s resolved. The exercise can go on for months.

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Sen. Katie Britt vented frustration on the Senate floor after her stopgap bill was blocked. (Photo by Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images)

But as it pertains to DHS, lawmakers weren’t going to solve the issues surrounding ICE right away. So both the House and Senate got out of Dodge last Thursday as the deadline loomed. Lawmakers were everywhere from the Middle East to Munich when the bell tolled midnight Saturday and DHS lumbered into a slow-speed funding crash.

Failure to fund the Department of Homeland Security may seem unreasonable from a policy standpoint – regardless of what you think of ICE. But it’s not unreasonable if you understand the politics and Congressional procedure to fund ICE.

Let’s say they were on the precipice of an agreement to fund DHS. That may involve some last-minute trading of paper between Senate and House leaders. Maybe a call or two from the President to reluctant Republicans. If lawmakers believed a deal was within range, it’s doubtful that leaders would have cut Members loose. They would have stayed if there was a viable path to nail something down last Friday, have the Senate expedite the process and vote on either Saturday or Sunday (albeit after the deadline) and then have the House vote on Monday. That’s all under the premise of a deal being close.

They were nowhere near that stage when lawmakers called it last Thursday. Democrats didn’t send over their offer for days after a brief shutdown of 78 percent of the government more than two weeks ago. Democrats then criticized Republicans and the White House for slowly volleying a counteroffer. Democrats then rejected the GOP plan – only sending back another plan late Monday.

Getting a deal which can pass both the House and Senate – and overcome a Senate filibuster – takes time. And there simply wasn’t a deal to be had yet.

This is where things get really interesting. With no agreement in sight, you simply don’t anchor lawmakers in Washington with nothing to do. There’s nothing to vote on. There are no committee meetings scheduled. All tethering lawmakers to DC does is stir up trouble.

There’s a line in the song «Trouble» in The Music Man by Meredith Willson: «The idle brain is the devil’s playground.» Who knows what kinds of mischief you would have, just making very cranky lawmakers hang around Washington for days – without anything to vote on. Keeping everyone here does not contribute to securing a deal. Yes, all 532 House and Senate Members (there are two House vacancies) must eventually be dialed-in to vote on a bill to fund DHS. But we aren’t there yet. A handful of Members in the House, Senate and people at the White House will be the ones to negotiate an agreement. Rank-and-file Members marooned in Washington with nothing to do but post outrageous things on social media and appear on cable TV is counterproductive.

Now, let’s look at the other scenario of being close to an agreement. House and Senate leaders may believe they are still a little short of votes. But if something is viable, leaders know they can nail down the votes with some arm-twisting, legislative and ego massaging and a few forceful phone calls. Yes, that process may require elbow grease. But in that instance, keeping everyone in Washington for a few extra days and blowing up a long-awaited Congressional recess actually helps the process.

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TSA officers, Coast Guard members and FEMA staff are working without pay as the DHS funding lapse drags on. (Photo by Heather Diehl/Getty Images)

Why?

Think of the Stockholm Syndrome. You demand that everyone stay in Washington for an extra day or two and the «hostages» will start to come around to the viewpoints of their captors. Yes, everyone is frustrated and mad. But they feel the bill is something they can support and finally end this triumvirate of government shutdowns. In this case, the fustigation builds – but just a little. Everyone is happy to vote yes and rush off of Capitol Hill.

If they were close to nailing down an agreement on DHS funding, then Congressional leaders would have deployed a version of the Stockholm Syndrome to wrap up everything.

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But with no deal, leaders were more afraid of the mayhem they may trigger by keeping everyone in Washington. The devil would romp freely through the playground of idle brains.

So how will you know when there’s a deal?

When everyone’s present and accounted for.

Turkey’s massive military, trade, Islamic diplomacy and education expansion into Africa is, some analysts say, undermining U.S. goals, as Ankara capitalizes on wars and conflicts on the continent.

Experts claim Turkey’s military sales appear to be based on maximizing profit, without worrying about what the arms sold do to the balance of power, particularly in Jihadist areas such as the Sahel.

Recently, multiple reports claimed Turkish companies have sold military drones to both sides in the three-year-long conflict in Sudan.

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«Turkey is really capitalizing on all these conflicts in Sudan, in Ethiopia, in Somalia, to strengthen its military presence, its diplomatic and economic engagements,» Turkey analyst Gönül Tol, told an American Enterprise Institute seminar in Washington last week. Tol, founding director of the Middle East Institute’s Turkey program, added that the country is «one of the top, top weapons providers to Africa. So if there is more chaos, that will only help Erdogan strengthen his hands.»

President Recep Tayyip Erdogan stated in October that overall trade volume with the African continent has shot up from $5.4 billion in 2003, to $41 billion in 2024. He told a business and economic forum in Istanbul that the state-backed carrier Turkish Airlines is literally leading the way into African countries for Turkish companies, now flying to 64 African destinations.

Erdogan told the forum that over the past two decades, «we have advanced our relations hand in hand, shoulder to shoulder, and most importantly, heart-to-heart, to a level that could not even be imagined.»

Somalis celebrate the victory of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan after he won the presidential runoff election, in Mogadishu, on May 29, 2023. (Hassan Ali Elmi AFP via Getty images)

Drone sales to Sudan’s warring partners would only prolong the war, conduct which is directly against U.S. policy. Just last month, a State Department spokesperson told Fox News Digital that «the U.S. is working with allies and others to bring an end to external military support to the parties, which is fueling the violence.»

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«Turkish drones, marketed as cost-effective and politically low-friction alternatives to U.S. or European systems, have proliferated across African conflict zones,» Mariam Wahba, research analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, told Fox News Digital.

«Reporting that Turkish firms supplied drones to both the Sudanese (government) Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces (the opposing militia in the conflict) underscores Ankara’s transactional approach: access and influence take precedence over stability, civilian protection or alignment with Western policy objectives,» she said.

Bayraktar Akinci unmanned aerial vehicles at Flight Training and Test Center in Istanbul, Turkey, on July 5, 2022. (Baykar/Handout/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images))

In a 2025 FDD report, Sinan Siddi, senior fellow and director of the organization’s Turkey program, wrote, «The deal between Baykar and SAF is worth $120 million, resulting in the sale of six TB2 drones, three ground control stations, and 600 warheads.»  Siddi claimed the deal took place after the U.S. placed sanctions on such sales.

Although Turkish drones are also claimed to have been sold to Sudan’s RSF militia, the company said to have been involved is reported to have publicly denied making the sale. The company did not respond to Fox News Digital’s request for comment.

A State Department spokesperson, when asked by Fox News Digital about the allegations said, «We refer you to the Government of Turkey for comment on reports related to any Turkish firms operating in Sudan.»

Fox News Digital reached out to the Turkish government but received no response.

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A Turkish Airlines flight arrives in Mogadishu in Oct. 2022. (Sally Hayden/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images)

The TB2 drone reportedly sold to the Sudanese government is made by a company said to be owned by Erdogan’s son-in-law. Experts say the TB2 is one-sixth the cost of a U.S. Reaper drone. Fox News Digital reached out to the company, but received no response.

The U.S. Africa Command’s Africa Defense Forum recently reported it «typically costs between $2 million and $5 million per aircraft, though total system packages — including ground control stations, communication systems, and training — often cost significantly more, sometimes reaching $5–$15 million per system depending on the contract. The TB2 is recognized for its high cost-efficiency, with operational costs estimated at only a few hundred dollars per hour.»

Particularly in Africa’s Sahel region, the FDD’s Wahba claimed Turkey is trying to return to the principles of its Ottoman Empire, which ruled for centuries and promoted the culture of imposing caliphates – areas where Islamic law is strictly enforced.

Wahba said, «On the whole, this is a worrying development that risks undermining U.S. interests. In addition to backing Islamist movements such as Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood, which does not bode well for its ideological orientation, Ankara is pursuing a neo-Ottoman foreign policy that is already taking concrete shape across parts of Africa.» 

«Turkey’s arms sales across Africa are best understood», the FDD’s Siddi told Fox News Digital, «not as ad hoc commercial transactions, but as a deliberate strategy to expand Ankara’s political, military and economic footprint on a continent increasingly contested by global and middle powers.»

Gambia’s President Adama Barrow welcomes Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Banjul, Gambia, Jan. 27, 2020. (Turkish Presidency via AP, Pool)

He said, «By exporting drones, small arms and security services to fragile states such as Sudan… the Erdogan government positions Turkey as a low-cost, low-conditionality alternative to Western partners, while simultaneously opening new markets for its rapidly growing defense industry. These weapons transfers are designed to buy diplomatic leverage, secure access to ports, bases and contracts and cultivate client relationships with regimes and militias that can advance Turkey’s regional ambitions.»

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The number of embassies Turkey operates in Africa has rocketed from 12 in 2002, to 44 today. Wahba said the 64 African destinations Turkish Airlines flies to is a useful indicator. «As a state-backed carrier, its rapid expansion of direct routes into African capitals mirrors Turkey’s diplomatic and security priorities. The airline functions as a soft-power and access enabler for Ankara’s broader agenda.»

Wahba claimed this all should matter for Washington, «because Ankara’s model increasingly competes with, and in many cases directly undercuts, U.S. priorities on conflict mitigation and stability.»