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Trick or Treat: Congress faces ‘chamber of horrors’ as government funding deadline looms
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It was mid-July. And the House of Representatives was already done for the summer.
That’s right around the same time Halloween decorations like gigantic yard skeletons and Reese’s peanut butter and chocolate pumpkins began materializing in stores.
Those weren’t phantasms. Halloween is the next big consumer holiday on the calendar.
I mean, what would you buy to decorate for Labor Day?
But there’s a spooky alignment between July and Halloween when it comes to Congress. If you begin to see Halloween paraphernalia in July, that’s practically October in Capitol Hill terms. The reason? Congress didn’t finish its annual spending bills before the annual August recess and that means it will be a sprint to finish them by October 1, the deadline to avoid a government shutdown.
GRIDLOCK CRUMBLES AS SENATE ADVANCES SPENDING BILLS IN RACE AGAINST SHUTDOWN
Right around the same time that the rest of the nation starts thinking about ghosts and goblins for Halloween.
The funding deadline is enough to convert the U.S. Capitol into a chamber of horrors for the entire month of September. Congress is always dragging to complete spending measures in July. Then August comes and concerns about the spending bills vanish like a ghost. Then the appropriations bills rise like mummies out of their coffins when Congress comes back in September. The battle over averting a government shutdown is like a vampire. It sucks most other legislative activity out of Congress until there’s a deal. That’s because most Members want no part of a government shutdown. Lawmakers from both sides know that government funding is one of the most important inflection points on the political calendar.
Let’s examine where we stand with government funding.
Congress approved a stopgap spending bill to avert a government shutdown in March. That interim spending package funded the government through September 30, the end of the federal fiscal year. The House approved the bill. But lawmakers worried about a potential government shutdown because breaking a filibuster on the measure required 60 votes. That entailed support of some Democrats since Republicans only have 53 votes in the Senate.
U.S. Speaker of the House Mike Johnson (R-LA) delivers a statement on the Israeli museum shooting that left two Israeli Embassy staffers dead after holding a press conference on the House passage of the tax and spending bill, at the U.S. Capitol on May 22, 2025 in Washington, DC. (Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images)
At the last minute, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., announced he would help Republicans crack the filibuster. Schumer didn’t vote yes on the bill itself. But the New York Democrat argued that avoiding a shutdown at that point was better than enduring one under President Trump – and Elon Musk who was then fully empowered at DOGE.
Some longtime Capitol Hill hands and Congressional observers feared the government might shutter for a lengthy period if it closed. Schumer and other Democrats asserted that the President and Musk would use that as justification for never re-opening some parts of the government since they lacked funding from Congress.
Progressives excoriated Schumer for not extracting a major concession from President Trump and Congressional Republicans which reflected Democratic values and priorities. Liberals used Schumer’s decision as justification to demand new Democratic leadership in the Senate. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-N.Y., appeared to seethe at Schumer’s maneuver, sidestepping questions from reporters about the break.
White House Budget Director Russ Vought says he wants a less bipartisan appropriations process. That’s fine. But this is about the math. House Republicans must stick together to pass any spending package there. House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., can only lose three votes and still pass a bill without Democratic assistance. Likewise, Senate Republicans can only lose three votes there, too. But the real hurdle is the filibuster. That’s where 60 votes are necessary. And that means the GOP must lean on Democrats – assuming they’re willing to help out.
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It’s really unclear if Republicans can stick together to approve a spending package. Keep in mind that it’s almost a certainty that any spending measure must simply renew all current funding on a temporary basis. A lot of Republicans are fed up with this appropriations rut – especially since Johnson promised to do things differently once he claimed the Speaker’s gavel in October 2023. Remember that some conservatives helped bounce former House Speaker Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif., less than two years ago because he propounded an interim spending plan.
Some Republicans are beginning to lose patience with Johnson on spending plans. But remember that most Republicans will support whatever appropriations plan the GOP brass concocts – as long as it has the blessing of President Trump.
U.S. House Republican Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-CA) (L) talks to Rep.-elect Matt Gaetz (R-FL) in the House Chamber after Gaetz voted present during the fourth day of voting for Speaker of the House at the U.S. Capitol Building on January 06, 2023 in Washington, DC. ( Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)
So Vought may advocate for a more partisan process. But that won’t result in policy achievements and GOP spending priorities unless Republicans convince Democrats to play ball.
Here’s another dynamic: some members of the conservative Freedom Caucus are hinting they simply want to re-up the current levels of funding again. Yes, lawmakers approved those spending plans under President Biden and a Democratic Senate. Therefore, much of the federal government is still operating under Democratic spending blueprints. But Democrats would demand more money for the next spending round. The same with some Republicans. So voting to renew the old money – regardless of who pushed for it – is less than Congress could have spent. That’s why some Freedom Caucus members suggest this would serve as a de facto spending cut.
They’re not wrong. Federal spending is almost always on an upward trajectory. This would level things off and bend the annual spending curve for the first time in decades.
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So, if your goal is to trim funding, this may be the most plausible option under the present political circumstances.
Remember, it’s about the math.
Moreover, Republicans have only approved a pittance of the funding cuts demanded by DOGE. Congress passed a bill to slash $9 billion from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and foreign aid. That’s not a lot. And Republicans could barely approve that bill. How they rescind other funding remains to be seen. However, Republicans could greenlight all the old money – and then promise budget hawks they will attempt to claw back other tranches of spending through future recissions packages later in the fall or winter.
Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, a Democrat from New York, arrives to speak to members of the media at the US Capitol in Washington, DC, US, on Thursday, July 17, 2025. Republicans are set to succeed in their decades-long quest to end federal funding for public broadcasting after the Senate passed a $9 billion package of cuts derived from Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency effort. Photographer: Al Drago/Bloomberg via Getty Images (Al Drago/Bloomberg via Getty Images)
But Democrats won’t go for that. They’d view that as Republicans dropping a Hershey’s bar in their trick or treat bag – and then exchanging it for a rock.
It’s unclear if Democrats have explored soaping the Republicans’ windows at the Capitol this fall if Republicans attempt that gambit. But this could be a chance to find out.
That brings us to the conundrum facing Schumer. One might question how the politics have changed since March – although President Trump and Musk are no longer in league with one another. But progressives will expect Schumer to demand a king’s ransom in exchange for Democratic votes breaking a filibuster.
In other words, both Johnson and Schumer face decisions of frightening proportions very soon.
It may seem as though October 1 is a long way down the calendar. It’s not. To ignore how complicated this may become is the legislative equivalent of whistling past the graveyard.
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This is going to become a rather spooky fall when it comes to funding the government.
Makes you want to just sit in the corner, pull a blanket up over your head and devour a bag of Halloween candy.
republicans,budget,democrats,politics,congress,mike johnson,donald trump
Una niña corre descalza por los campos de Minnesota. Lleva trenzas, una sonrisa franca y el nombre de Laura Ingalls. Desde su estreno en 1974, La familia Ingalls se convirtió en un fenómeno televisivo. La serie, basada en los libros de Laura Ingalls Wilder, marcó a generaciones con su mirada idealizada sobre la vida de los pioneros en el siglo XIX. Pero detrás del relato entrañable de la pantalla, existe una historia real mucho más compleja.
La figura central de la serie es Laura, interpretada por Melissa Gilbert. El personaje es una creación de la escritora Laura Ingalls Wilder, quien, en la década de 1930 y a los 75 años, comenzó a narrar en una serie de libros sus vivencias como niña pionera. El primero de ellos, La casa de la pradera, fue publicado en 1935 y se transformó en uno de los mayores éxitos editoriales del siglo XX.
En 1973, esta obra fue adaptada a la televisión bajo el título Little House on the Prairie. Un año después comenzó a emitirse por la cadena NBC con gran repercusión. La serie fue protagonizada por Michael Landon como Charles Ingalls y se extendió hasta 1983.
Según Caroline Fraser, autora de Incendios de la pradera: los sueños americanos de Laura Ingalls Wilder, la narrativa de los libros es “muy precisa, hasta cierto punto”. En una entrevista con Iowa Source en 2017, explicó que, si bien Wilder se basó en su infancia para escribir las novelas, introdujo numerosos cambios, tanto menores como sustanciales. Por ejemplo, en La pequeña casa en el gran bosque, Laura aparece con cinco años, aunque en realidad tenía tres cuando vivió allí.
Fraser indicó que Laura “omitió muchas cosas, a veces porque sentía que no eran apropiadas para niños”. En particular, evitó mostrar episodios que retrataran a sus padres de manera negativa. Mientras en la serie Charles Ingalls es un modelo de rectitud, la vida real estuvo marcada por problemas financieros, inestabilidad y decisiones poco acertadas, aspectos que Wilder decidió no incluir.
“La verdadera historia es mucho más compleja”, señaló Fraser. “Su vida real es aún más notable, en cierto modo, que la historia de sus libros, que terminó a los 18 años con su matrimonio”.
Wilder comenzó a escribir a los 40 años, cuando redactaba columnas para publicaciones locales en Mansfield, Missouri, donde residía. Su primer manuscrito, Pioneer Girl, fue escrito a los 60, impulsada por su hija Rose Wilder Lane, una periodista de renombre que colaboró estrechamente con ella en la elaboración de los libros.
“Rose fue una de las escritoras independientes más exitosas de la década de 1920. The Saturday Evening Post pagó una de sus historias por 30.000 dólares de la época, el equivalente a medio millón hoy”, detalló Glynnis MacNicol, creadora del pódcast Wilder de iHeartRadio.
Aunque madre e hija concebían los libros como novelas de ficción, Rose sostuvo públicamente que eran verídicos. En 2016, el historiador William Anderson reveló que Rose llegó a molestarse cuando él insinuó que los textos no reflejaban fielmente la realidad. El debate sobre la autoría y el grado de intervención de Rose continúa hasta hoy.
Laura falleció en febrero de 1957, apenas tres días antes de cumplir 90 años. Su hija Rose murió en 1968 y fue su heredero, Roger MacBride, quien vendió los derechos televisivos. La serie La familia Ingalls —título con el que se conoció en América Latina— se tomó importantes licencias respecto de los libros.
Mientras en los textos Laura y su familia se mudaban constantemente, la serie centró la narrativa en Walnut Grove, Minnesota. Ese segmento de la vida familiar fue narrado en el libro A orillas del arroyo Plum (1937). Allí aparecen personajes que luego serían emblemáticos en la pantalla, como Nellie Oleson (Alison Arngrim), figura inspirada en una combinación de compañeras de escuela de la autora.
La relación de Laura con Almanzo Wilder, interpretado por Dean Butler, también fue adaptada. En la ficción, se casan en la séptima temporada. En la vida real, Laura trabajó como maestra en Dakota del Sur y luego contrajo matrimonio con Almanzo, tal como relata en Estos felices años dorados. La saga concluyó con la publicación póstuma de Los primeros cuatro años.
Ahora, La familia Ingalls volverá a la pantalla con una nueva adaptación producida por Netflix. Esta versión buscará un enfoque más fiel al espíritu y contenido de los libros originales, pero con una puesta en escena actualizada.
El clásico encabezado por Michael Landon y Melissa Gilbert no solo definió la estética de una época televisiva, sino que ayudó a construir un imaginario colectivo sobre la vida rural estadounidense. Con esta nueva producción, la obra de Laura Ingalls Wilder perdura, pero también invita a mirar con mayor profundidad la historia real detrás del mito.
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GOP mocks Democrats with memo about wildly unpopular ‘Project 2026’ goals, Dems shoot back
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FIRST ON FOX: With an eye to next year’s Midterm Elections, the National Republican Congressional Campaign Committee (NRCC) is mocking its Democratic counterpart and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries for advancing «wildly unpopular» policy proposals as part of their «Project 2026» goals.
In response, the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC) is hitting back, accusing Republicans of «desperately attempting to distract from their failed leadership and refusal to get a single thing done for the American people.»
The NRCC released a memo on Tuesday morning in which it knocked Jeffries for failing to meet a self-imposed deadline to roll out a new vision for America with a Democratic-controlled House.
The Hill reported in April that Jeffries committed that «over these next 100 days, House Democrats are going to lay out a blueprint for a better America. And you will see a vision for this country’s future that isn’t about Donald Trump. It’s all about you.»
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House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-N.Y., right, is joined by Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., for a press conference in Statuary Hall at the Capitol on Feb. 12. (AP/Rod Lamkey, Jr./File)
With those 100 days having already elapsed, the NRCC published a satirical memo titled «Project 2026,» in which they accused the Democrats of being out of step with the American people.
«Hakeem Jeffries promised a ‘Project 2026’ within 100 days of April 30th, and it’s been over 100 days. Democrats know their agenda is wildly unpopular, and their focus on these issues will cause them to lose yet again,» the NRCC said in a statement.
In the memo, the NRCC accuses the Democratic Party, «as directed by ‘Leader’ Jeffries and AOC,» of wanting to «move swiftly and unapologetically to return to Joe Biden’s America and implement the bold, transformational change our base demands.»
The memo lays out eight policy proposals they accuse Democrats of wanting to advance, ranging from «Bring Back Wasteful Government Spending and High Crime» to «Open Borders. Full Stop» to «Impeach President Trump. Again. And Again.»
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House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-N.Y., speaks during a news conference at the Capitol, in Washington, Thursday, March 6, 2025. (AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite)
Policy ideas the NRCC charges Democrats with advancing range from the outlandish, such as «institute a federal ‘Carbon Lifestyle Tax’ on Americans who dare to own trucks, SUVs, or backyard grills, to ideas that have been pushed by the likes of New York City Democratic mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani of launching «pilot programs for government-run grocery stores in ‘underserved’ neighborhoods.»
Under economic proposals, the memo charges Democrats of wanting to «expand bloated government programs and bankroll the Green New Deal» and reverse the tax cuts passed under President Donald Trump. Meanwhile, the memo states Democrats want to «abolish ICE permanently,» «ban border wall construction and tear down existing barriers» and «provide taxpayer-funded healthcare, housing, and legal aid for every undocumented immigrant.»
The NRCC also takes a jab at Democrats for allegedly wanting to be «More Woke, Less Rational,» wanting to «mandate pronouns and DEI training in every school and workplace» and have «no more ads featuring Sydney Sweeney or Shane Gillis.»
Commenting on the memo, NRCC spokesman Mike Marinella told Fox News Digital, «This is the America Democrats want to build.»
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The U.S. Capitol Building is seen at dusk on a clear, spring day on May 31, 2025 in Washington, DC. (Kevin Carter/Getty Images)
«Higher taxes, open borders, skyrocketing gas prices, no more gas cars, crime in the streets, pronouns before commonsense, and no more freedom. House Republicans are the only thing standing between you and the nightmare of ‘Project 2026,’» said Marinella.
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In response, Viet Shelton, a spokesperson for the DCCC, shot back, commenting, «Big talk by the party who’s betrayed the middle-class so they can suck-up to their billionaire donors.»
«The Republican agenda is marked by rising costs, lost manufacturing jobs, a Big, Ugly Law that everyone hates, and a string of broken promises,» he said, adding, «A tidal wave of recent polling confirms their majority is rapidly slipping away.»
«It’s no wonder House Republicans are desperately attempting to distract from their failed leadership and refusal to get a single thing done for the American people.»
Fox News Digital reached out to Jeffries office for comment but did not immediately receive a response.
2025 2026 elections coverage,republicans,democratic party,congress,midterm elections
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