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Top 5 game-changers from the 2025 campaign trail

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In the wake of last year’s tumultuous presidential election, which exhausted many Americans, it was expected to be quiet on the 2025 campaign trail.

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But with President Donald Trump back in the White House and Democrats itching to rebound after last year’s ballot box setbacks, 2025’s off-year elections were anything but sedate.

Here are five of the biggest moments that shaped the campaign trail.

5. Democrats overperform in special elections

Just eight days into Trump’s second term in the White House, demoralized Democrats had something to cheer about.

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SETTING THE STAGE: WHAT THE 2025 ELECTIONS SIGNAL FOR NEXT YEAR’S MIDTERM SHOWDOWNS

President Donald Trump was inaugurated for a second term in the White House on Jan. 20, 2025, at the U.S. Capitol in Washington D.C. (Morray Gash/AFP via Getty Images)

Democrat Mike Zimmer defeated Republican Katie Whittington in a special state Senate election in Iowa, flipping a Republican-controlled vacant seat in a district that Trump had carried by 21 points less than three months earlier.

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Zimmer’s victory triggered a wave of Democrats overperforming in special elections and regularly scheduled off-year ballot box contests.

In Iowa, Democrats in August flipped another Republican-held seat in a state Senate special election, breaking the GOP’s supermajority in the upper chamber for the first time in three years.

«Since the president was inaugurated back in January, there’s been 45 elections on the ballot. Democrats have overperformed in all of them to the tune of about 16 percentage points on average,» Democratic National Committee chair Ken Martin touted in a Fox News Digital interview days ahead of the 2025 elections.

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4. Inflation persists, making affordability issue No. 1 on the campaign trail

It was the issue that boosted Trump and Republicans in the 2024 elections, as they won back the White House and Senate majority and kept control of the House.

But a year later, the economy, and everyday expenses in particular, are working against the president and his party in the 2025 elections.

FOX NEWS POLL: VOTERS SAY WHITE HOUSE IS DOING MORE HARM THAN GOOD ON ECONOMY

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Democrats, with an across-the-board focus on affordability, enjoyed sweeping success at the ballot box earlier this month, with double-digit victories in the gubernatorial showdowns in blue-leaning but competitive New Jersey and Virginia, as well as major victories in high-profile contests in battlegrounds Georgia and Pennsylvania and solidly blue New York City and California.

Rep. Mikie Sherrill votes

Democratic Rep. Mikie Sherrill votes on Election Day, in Montclair, New Jersey, on Nov. 4, 2025. (Paul Steinhauser/Fox News)

«Voters are remarkably consistent in their priorities: the economy, the economy, the economy,» noted Wayne Lesperance, a veteran political scientist and president of New England College.

«When you win an election, voters expect you are going to do something to address those concerns and the reality is that the questions of affordability remain unchanged in their importance to the everyday voter.»

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3. Jay Jones text messages revealed, rocking the Virginia elections

Virginia Democrats were cruising toward convincing victories in the commonwealth’s statewide elections when a scandal sent shockwaves up and down the ballot.

Democratic attorney general nominee Jay Jones instantly went into crisis mode after controversial texts were first reported earlier by the National Review in early October.

Jay Jones speaks at a podium while wife Mavis Jones stands behind him

Jay Jones addresses supporters after winning the Democratic nomination for Virginia attorney general as wife Mavis Jones looks on in Norfolk, on June 17, 2025. (Trevor Metcalfe/The Virginian-Pilot/Tribune News Service via Getty Images)

Jones acknowledged and apologized for texts he sent in 2022, when he compared then-Virginia House Speaker Todd Gilbert to mass murderers Adolf Hitler and Pol Pot, adding that if he was given two bullets, he would use both against the GOP lawmaker to shoot him in the head.

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But Jones faced a chorus of calls from Republicans to drop out of the race.

KEY TAKEAWAYS FROM THE 2025 ELECTIONS 

And the GOP leveraged the explosive revelations up the ballot, forcing Democratic Party nominee, former Rep. Abigail Spanberger, back on defense in a campaign where she was seen as the frontrunner against Republican rival Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears.

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Earle-Sears didn’t waste an opportunity to link Spanberger to Jones. And during last month’s chaotic and only gubernatorial debate, where Earle-Sears repeatedly interrupted Spanberger, the GOP gubernatorial nominee called on her Democratic rival to tell Jones to end his attorney general bid.

«The comments that Jay Jones made are absolutely abhorrent,» Spanberger said at the debate. But she neither affirmed nor pulled back her support of Jones.

While the scandal grabbed national headlines, in the end it didn’t slow down the Democrats, as Spanberger crushed Earle-Sears by 15 points. Democrats won the separate election for lieutenant governor by 11 points and Jones even pulled off a 6-point victory over Republican incumbent Jason Miyares.

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2. Trump urges Texas to redistrict

Aiming to prevent what happened during his first term in the White House when Democrats reclaimed the House majority in the 2018 midterm elections, Trump in June first floated the idea of rare but not unheard of mid-decade congressional redistricting.

The mission was simple: redraw congressional district maps in red states to pad the GOP’s razor-thin House majority to keep control of the chamber in the 2026 midterms, when the party in power traditionally faces political headwinds and loses seats.

Trump’s first target: Texas.

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A month later, when asked by reporters about his plan to add Republican-leaning House seats across the country, the president said, «Texas will be the biggest one. And that’ll be five.»

The push by Trump and his political team triggered a high-stakes redistricting showdown with Democrats to shape the 2026 midterm landscape in the fight for the House majority.

Republican Gov. Greg Abbott of Texas called a special session of the GOP-dominated state legislature to pass the new map.

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ELECTION REFLECTION: ‘DEMOCRATS FLIPPED THE SCRIPT’ ON AFFORDABILITY IN BALLOT BOX SHOWDOWNS

But Democratic state lawmakers, who broke quorum for two weeks as they fled Texas in a bid to delay the passage of the redistricting bill, energized Democrats across the country.

Among those leading the fight against Trump’s redistricting was Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom of California.

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Gavin Newsom Prop 50 victory

Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during an election night press conference at a California Democratic Party office on Nov. 4, 2025, in Sacramento. (Godofredo A. Vásquez/AP Photo)

California voters earlier this month overwhelmingly passed Proposition 50, a ballot initiative which will temporarily sidetrack the left-leaning state’s nonpartisan redistricting commission and return the power to draw the congressional maps to the Democratic-dominated legislature.

That is expected to result in five more Democratic-leaning congressional districts in California, which aimed to counter the move by Texas to redraw their maps.

Meanwhile, an opinion by two federal judges in Texas this month delivered a blow to Trump and Republicans, by ruling that the state can’t use the newly drawn map in next year’s elections. Texas Republicans say they’ll appeal the ruling to the Supreme Court.

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But the fight has spread beyond Texas and California.

Right-tilting Missouri, North Carolina and Ohio have drawn new maps as part of the president’s push. And red-leaning Indiana, Florida and Kansas are also mulling redrawing their maps.

«We must keep the Majority at all costs,» Trump wrote on social media this month.

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Illinois and Maryland, two blue states, and Virginia, where Democrats control the legislature, are also taking steps or seriously considering redistricting.

And in a blow to Republicans, a Utah district judge this month rejected a congressional district map drawn up by the state’s GOP-dominated legislature and instead approved an alternate that will create a Democratic-leaning district ahead of the 2026 midterm elections.

1. Mamdani wins NYC mayoral primary

Zohran Mamdani’s convincing June 24 victory in New York City’s Democratic Party mayoral primary was the political earthquake that rocked the nation’s most populous city and sent powerful shockwaves across the country.

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The capturing of the Democratic nomination by the now-34-year-old socialist state lawmaker over frontrunner former Gov. Andrew Cuomo and nine other candidates propelled Mamdani to this month’s general election victory.

zohran mamdani speaking with his hand over his heart

Zohran Mamdani speaks to supporters during a primary election night gathering on June 24, 2025, in the Queens borough of New York City. (Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images)

While Mamdani’s 9-point general election victory is a shot in the arm for the rise of the socialist movement as it battles moderate Democrats for the future of the party, it also appears to be the political gift that keeps on giving for Republicans, as they aim to paint all Democrats as far-left radicals.

The National Republican Congressional Committee (NRCC) was one of the first out of the gate to capitalize on the leftward lurch, firing off an email release minutes after Mamdani’s primary victory, arguing that «every vulnerable House Democrat will own him, and every Democrat running in a primary will fear him.»

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And this month, immediately after Mamdani became mayor-elect, the NRCC claimed «the new face of the Democrat Party just dropped, and it’s straight out of a socialist nightmare.»

Mayor-elect Mamdani and President Trump

President Donald Trump met with New York City Mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani, in the Oval Office at the White House, on Nov. 21, 2025. (Jim Watson/AFP via Getty Images)

But Trump’s very chummy meeting with Mamdani recently at the White House seemed to undercut the GOP strategy to use the mayor-elect as a human cudgel.

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Democrats insist that the effort to link Mamdani is a distraction from Republicans’ inability to deal with the affordability issue.

«Republican operatives in D.C. know they can’t win on the issues, so we’re seeing them melt down in real time, resorting to ineffective boogeyman attacks. It’s embarrassing,» the rival Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee charged.

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La caída de José Jerí en Perú: por qué es tan fácil echar a un presidente

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Ocho presidentes en los últimos diez años. O, si se quiere, 12 en los últimos 36 si comenzamos la cuenta con el mandato de Alberto Fujimori en 1990, una figura clave para entender, desde lo político y lo institucional, la inestabilidad política que envuelve a Perú en las últimas décadas.

La elección de Alberto Fujimori para iniciar la lista no es arbitraria. El «Chino», que asumió en julio de 1990, tras derrotar impensadamente al Nobel de literatura Mario Vargas Llosa, fue el impulsor de la reforma constitucional de 1993 anclada en el autogolpe de abril de 1992 que, entre otros cambios estructurales, eliminó la bicameralidad en el Congreso.

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Desde entonces, con alguna variable en su número, el Congreso peruano tiene 130 legisladores en una sola Cámara, sin el contrapeso del Senado, como en la Argentina o en la mayoría de los países de la región.

Independientemente de las denuncias contra los presidentes destituidos (su solidez, veracidad o no), la ausencia del Senado en Perú impidió que el país tuviera una Cámara acusadora (diputados) y otra que juzga (Senado) en un proceso de juicio político o impeachment, como sucedió en Brasil con Dilma Rousseff, por ejemplo. En Perú, con sólo levantar la mano para aprobar una moción de destitución por «incapacidad moral» alcanza para echar a un presidente si se cuenta con el apoyo de 87 de los 130 legisladores. Culpable o inocente, esa es otra historia.

Paralelamente, con el deterioro de los partidos políticos tradicionales -Acción Popular, el APRA de Alan García e Izquierda Unida, entre otros, fuertes en los años 80 y muchos de ellos perseguidos por Fujimori-, las elecciones presidenciales y parlamentarias de transformaron en un crisol de siglas que surgían y desaparecían e instalaban candidatos que solían responder más a intereses corporativos que ideológicos: así surgían bancadas que respondían a las universidades privadas o a las clínicas o, también, a los empresarios del transporte.

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Ese fenómeno de profundizó tras la caída y destitución de Fujimori en noviembre del 2000 por «incapacidad moral permanente», luego de que el Congreso le rechazara la renuncia enviada desde Japón, jaqueado tras su triunfo fraudulento en los comicios de ese año.

A partir de entonces, los presidentes electos democráticamente -salvo el caso de Alan García que por carisma propio logró hacer resurgir al APRA en los comicios de 2006 tras su casi desaparición- llegaron al poder más de la mano de partidos creados de apuro, sin bases sólidas y respondiendo más a «oleadas sentimentales» o modas del momento, que a programas, proyectos o estructuras partidarias que los sostengan.

Con el agravante de que los legisladores se elegían en la primera vuelta: con muchos candidatos, el número de bancadas se multiplicaba y el presidente asumía, siempre, en una escandalosa minoría, amenazado por la organización política más sólida, el fujimorismo en todas sus variantes.

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Así llegaron al poder Alejandro Toledo en 2001, que se «ganó» la presidencia por haber encabezado las protestas contra Fujimori en el año 2000 luego de que le robaran con fraude esas elecciones, u Ollanta Humala en 2011, apoyado por el envión de Lula en Brasil, los dólares de Odebrecht, y el espanto que generaba Keiko Fujimori, a quien derrotó en la segunda vuelta. Tan «de momento» fue su candidatura y presidencia que en la siguiente, en 2016, el «humalismo» no tuvo si quiera candidato propio al Palacio de Pizarro.

Dina Boluarte, también echada por el Congreso. Foto AP

Ese año fue el de Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, quien ganó bajo la sigla «Peruanos por el Kambio» (PPK) en un balotage de infarto frente, otra vez, la heredera del clan Fujimori. Tan débil fue su candidatura y su figura que terminó destituido dos años después por un Congreso que no controlaba y en el que apenas tenía un puñado de legisladores leales. Lo mismo ocurrió con su vice, Martín Vizcarra, quien duró dos años hasta que fue echado por el mismo Congreso. Finalmente, tras cinco días de caos con Manuel Merino presidente, Francisco Sagasti terminó el mandato del PPK y entregó el poder en julio de 2021 a Pedro Castillo.

El maestro rural llegó al poder con un partido prestado («Perú Libre»), tras haber obtenido apenas el 18,9 por ciento de los votos en la primera vuelta frente al 13,4 de Keiko, y solo 37 legisladores propios sobre un total de 130. Su caída, un año y medio después de haber asumido, no sorprendió a nadie, más allá de las denuncias en su contra.

Pedro Pablo Kuczynski (PPK), otro presidente destituido en Perú. Foto EFE

Lo mismo ocurrió con su sucesora, Dina Boluarte, quien gobernó desde el 7 de diciembre de 2022 hasta el 10 de octubre del 2025, cuando al fujimorismo y sus aliados se les acabó la paciencia con las marchas contra la inseguridad y el daño que eso podría hacerle a la nueva campaña presidencial de Keiko Fujimori. Lo mismo le acaba de suceder a José Jerí, con la particularidad de que al llegar a la presidencia elegido por el Congreso, el número para cesarlo pasa de 87 a la mitad mas uno de los presentes: alcanzaba apenas con 58 de 130.

A partir de los comicios de este año y tras la reforma constitucional de 2024 el Congreso volverá a tener dos Cámaras: 130 diputados y 60 Senadores, que saldrán de la elección en la primera vuelta de las presidenciales. Con 36 aspirantes inscriptos, es posible que el presidente electo tenga el mismo problema que sus antecesores. Pero contará con un Senado como contrapeso y, también, con más poder que Diputados.

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Mike Lee calls Schumer’s ‘Jim Crow 2.0’ attack on voter ID bill ‘paranoid fantasy’

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Senate Democrats have panned the GOP’s push for voter ID legislation as akin to segregationist laws from the Deep South, but the architect of the bill in the Senate says their arguments are detached from reality.

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«It’s paranoid fantasy,» Sen. Mike Lee, R-Utah, told Fox News Digital. «These are absurd arguments. They should be ashamed to make them.»

Lee was responding to comments from Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., who has doubled down on his claim that the Safeguarding American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) America Act is «Jim Crow 2.0.»

THUNE GUARANTEES VOTER ID BILL TO HIT THE SENATE DESPITE SCHUMER, DEM OPPOSITION: ‘WE WILL HAVE A VOTE’

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Sen. Mike Lee, R-Utah, called the accusation that his voter ID legislation was «Jim Crow 2.0» by Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., «paranoid fantasy.»  (Kayla Bartkowski/Getty Images; Bill Clark/CQ Roll Call, Inc. via Getty Images)

The bill, which passed the House last week and has been introduced and championed by Lee in the Senate, would require photo ID to vote in federal elections, proof of citizenship to register and would mandate that states keep voter rolls clear of ineligible voters.

Schumer and his caucus plan to block the bill, arguing that it is a tool of voter suppression that would disproportionately harm poorer Americans and minority groups.

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But Lee argued that providing identification or proof of citizenship is routine in everyday life — whether undergoing a background check to buy a firearm or filling out tax forms when starting a new job.

COLLINS BOOSTS REPUBLICAN VOTER ID EFFORT, BUT WON’T SCRAP FILIBUSTER

Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D.

Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., told Fox News Digital that the SAVE America Act, voter ID legislation backed by President Donald Trump, would get a vote in the Senate.  (Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images)

«By their logic, it’s Jim Crow to require somebody to establish citizenship before taking a job with a new employer, and that’s insane,» Lee said.

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«And so then they argue here, well, voting is so fundamental, and we have constitutional protections protecting our right to vote,» he continued. «Well, we’ve got constitutional protections protecting our right to bear arms, and yet that doesn’t cause us to dispense with proving who you are and your eligibility to buy a gun. This has just been insane.»

Without Democratic support, however, the pathway to sending the legislation to President Donald Trump’s desk is complicated.

GOP REACHES KEY 50-VOTE THRESHOLD FOR TRUMP-BACKED VOTER ID BILL AS SENATE FIGHT LOOMS

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Trump listens in a meeting in January 2026

President Donald Trump listens during a Cabinet meeting at the White House, Jan. 29, 2026, in Washington.  (Evan Vucci/AP Photo)

Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., has vowed to bring the SAVE America Act to the floor, and Republicans have the votes to move it through its first key procedural hurdle. From there, Democrats can block it with the 60-vote filibuster, which Lee often refers to as the «zombie» filibuster.

Eliminating the filibuster is out of the question for several of Lee’s colleagues, but Republicans are warming to reinstating a talking, or standing, filibuster, which would require Senate Democrats to make their case against the bill on the floor over hours of debate.

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Trump has already suggested he would issue an executive order if the legislation fails, which Lee declined to speculate on without first knowing what exactly would be done.

But he noted that it was all the more reason to pass the SAVE America Act, given the ever-swinging political pendulum in Washington, D.C.

«It’s still really critically important that we pass this law, because let’s assume that he issued such an order, and that it does most or all of what we needed to do here, that gives us protection for the moment, to whatever degree he’s able to do that through an executive action,» Lee said. «But we need something that can last longer than he’s in office.»

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Los precios del petróleo cayeron mientras Estados Unidos negocia con Irán

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FOTO DE ARCHIVO: Una llamarada de gas en una plataforma de producción de petróleo se ve junto a una bandera iraní en el golfo. 25 de julio de 2005
REUTERS/Raheb Homavandi

Las negociaciones nucleares entre Irán y Estados Unidos en Ginebra abrieron una fase de mayor optimismo en los mercados, tras jornadas marcadas por declaraciones enfrentadas entre el presidente Donald Trump y las autoridades iraníes. El precio del petróleo, que había subido ante el aumento de la tensión, experimentó una baja luego de que el ministro de Exteriores iraní, Abbas Araghchi, declarara que “se ha abierto una nueva ventana de oportunidad” para alcanzar un acuerdo sostenible, aunque Irán mantiene su disposición a defenderse ante cualquier amenaza.

El barril de West Texas Intermediate cerró con una caída de 0,9% hasta $62,33, tras haber llegado a subir 1,5% durante la jornada. Por su parte, el Brent del Mar del Norte retrocedió 1,8% hasta $67,42. Analistas del sector, como Aarin Chiekrie de Hargreaves Lansdown, indicaron que “hay especulación sobre la posibilidad de que Irán acepte diluir su uranio más enriquecido a cambio del levantamiento total de las sanciones financieras”, aunque persisten dudas sobre si ese gesto será suficiente para lograr un acuerdo definitivo.

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Desde Teherán se informó que existe un acuerdo general con Washington sobre los términos básicos de un potencial pacto, mientras que un funcionario estadounidense confirmó que los negociadores iraníes volverán a Ginebra con una nueva propuesta en dos semanas. A pesar de estos avances, ambos países mantienen despliegues militares en la región: Irán anunció el cierre temporal de una parte del Estrecho de Ormuz para ejercicios militares, mientras que Estados Unidos envió un segundo portaviones. Esta situación añade volatilidad a los mercados energéticos, ya que el Estrecho es un punto clave para el tránsito mundial de crudo.

En el ámbito bursátil, Wall Street cerró la sesión con leves alzas, después de una jornada volátil. Chiekrie señaló que “los corredores de seguros, asesores financieros, servicios inmobiliarios y logística estuvieron bajo presión la semana pasada, y los inversores observan con cautela qué segmento del mercado podría ser el próximo en verse afectado por la inteligencia artificial”. Las bolsas europeas finalizaron en terreno positivo, con Londres y Fráncfort subiendo 0,8%, mientras que Tokio retrocedió y los mercados chinos permanecieron cerrados por el Año Nuevo Lunar.

Fotografía de archivo del portaviones
Fotografía de archivo del portaviones estadounidense USS Gerald R. Ford
EFE/ Cati Cladera

En el Reino Unido, los datos oficiales mostraron que el desempleo alcanzó un 5,2% en el último trimestre, el nivel más alto en cinco años, lo que aumenta la probabilidad de que el Banco de Inglaterra reduzca su tasa de interés de referencia el mes próximo. En el mercado de divisas, el dólar estadounidense se debilitó frente al yen.

Por otro lado, la Cámara de Industria y Comercio de Alemania advirtió que la mayor economía europea no se recuperará en 2026, debido a la persistente incertidumbre geopolítica, los altos costos y la débil demanda interna. Alemania apenas logró un crecimiento moderado en 2025, tras dos años de recesión.

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En el sector corporativo, las acciones del gigante agroquímico Bayer subieron cerca de ocho por ciento luego de que su filial Monsanto propusiera un acuerdo de hasta USD 7.250 millones para resolver demandas colectivas en Estados Unidos, relacionadas con el supuesto vínculo entre el herbicida Roundup y el cáncer en sangre, lo que podría cerrar años de litigios costosos.

Mientras tanto, los inversores siguieron de cerca las negociaciones mediadas por Estados Unidos entre Ucrania y Rusia en Ginebra. Un asistente del equipo negociador de Kiev informó que las conversaciones continuarán el miércoles, y una eventual resolución podría allanar el camino para el levantamiento de sanciones y el incremento de los flujos petroleros hacia los mercados internacionales.

(Con información de AFP y Bloomberg)

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