Iran’s rival political factions are increasingly invoking the authority of Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei to attack their opponents and protect their own positions, even as questions persist over whether he is actively governing the country, according to an Iran expert.

The internal struggle surfaced in two reports published by Iran International concerning Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian’s relationship with the new supreme leader.

In the first report, senior cleric Mohammad-Bagher Kharrazi, a relative of the Khamenei family by marriage, claimed Pezeshkian had repeatedly threatened to resign and was warned that his next resignation would be accepted.

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«If he resigns one more time, I will approve it,» Kharrazi quoted Khamenei as saying.

Pezeshkian’s office strongly denied the account. Mehdi Tabatabaei, the president’s deputy for communications and information, called the allegation «baseless and an outright lie,» while another presidential advisor said Kharrazi had no contact with the supreme leader and was known for telling «strange stories.»

Hours later, Iran International published a second report alleging Pezeshkian had met Mojtaba Khamenei only once, inside a vehicle with tinted windows at an undisclosed location in Tehran.

According to the outlet’s unnamed sources, the encounter lasted several minutes, the two men could not see each other and Pezeshkian was not permitted to shake Khamenei’s hand. The report alleged that the president later questioned whether the voice he heard had actually belonged to the supreme leader.

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Masoud Pezeshkian, then a presidential candidate, waves as he arrives to vote at a polling station in Shahr-e-Qods near Tehran, Iran, on July 5, 2024. (AP Photo/Vahid Salemi)

The claims have not been independently verified. Pezeshkian previously described a substantially different encounter, saying publicly that he had spent approximately two and a half hours with Khamenei in a cordial atmosphere.

Kasra Aarabi, director of IRGC research at United Against Nuclear Iran, said the competing claims surrounding Pezeshkian and Mojtaba Khamenei reflected a deeper struggle inside what he described as an «Islamist oligarchic mafia system.»

Under Ali Khamenei, Aarabi said, the supreme leader functioned as the system’s «godfather,» arbitrating among rival Islamist factions and guaranteeing their access to power and money. His removal created a vacuum that Mojtaba Khamenei’s appointment was intended to fill, but the new supreme leader’s prolonged public absence has left rival factions uncertain about who is actually in charge.

«The very essence of this mafia system is built on a godfather,» Aarabi said. «If the godfather is absent, whether because he is severely incapacitated or nonexistent, that vacuum… re-emerges between the various Islamist oligarchic clans.»

Aarabi said those factions are not primarily divided by ideology.

«They’re not competing over ideology,» he said. «They’re competing over raw power and economic interests.»

In that environment, Aarabi said, Mojtaba Khamenei’s name has become a political instrument that competing factions can invoke to legitimize themselves, constrain their rivals or justify decisions whose true source remains unclear.

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People hold placards with an image of Iran’s new supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, and the late Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, during a rally in Tehran, Iran, March 9, 2026. (Majid Asgaripour/WANA (West Asia News Agency) Via Reuters)

«Mojtaba’s name is the glue that’s holding the system together right now,» Aarabi said. «Each of these clans invokes his name to justify its existence, legitimize its position, and consolidate its place within this fragile system.»

Exiled Iranian journalist Mehdi Ghadimi described the resignation claims as part of a recurring political strategy used by reformist administrations.

«This is a familiar cycle,» Ghadimi said. «Whenever they feel that their usefulness to the supreme leader has come to an end, they start circulating these resignation rumors in an effort to build public sympathy and improve their image before being pushed aside.»

Ghadimi said similar rumors surrounded former presidents Mohammad Khatami and Hassan Rouhani during the final years of their administrations. He argued that reformist-aligned media channels often continue circulating resignation claims even after a president’s office formally denies them, allowing officials later to portray themselves as having challenged the supreme leader.

On Mojtaba Khamenei’s status, Ghadimi went further than Aarabi, saying he did not believe there was «a functioning person by that name who is capable of thinking, making decisions or speaking.»

«Either he is dead, or he is being kept alive in an extremely unstable and severely deteriorated condition,» Ghadimi said.

Aarabi said the two reports illustrate that dynamic. A cleric opposed to or unaligned with Pezeshkian invoked Mojtaba Khamenei’s authority to weaken the president by claiming his next resignation would be accepted, while figures around Pezeshkian pushed back with an account portraying the president as having met directly with the supreme leader.

Mojtaba Khamenei has not appeared in any publicly released video or audio recording since succeeding his father, according to Iran International. Iranian officials have offered conflicting accounts about how often senior government figures have met him.

Aarabi cautioned that using Khamenei’s name as a source of authority will become increasingly difficult if his public absence continues.

A composite image shows several Iranian leaders named in the State Department’s Rewards for Justice program offering up to $10 million for information on key figures tied to Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), including Mojtaba Khamenei, top left. (State Department/Rewards for Justice; Khoshiran/Middle East Images/AFP via Getty Images)

«There’s only so many times you can use someone’s name without any proof of life that they actually exist,» Aarabi said. «The longer Mojtaba is absent, the more questions develop over whether he is alive or able. And as soon as that doubt increases, you will see this infighting increase.»

FIRST ON FOX: The reports of President Donald Trump and Senate Majority Leader John Thune’s dead working relationship have been greatly exaggerated, the South Dakota Republican leader told Fox News Digital.

«I’ve heard from him twice this morning already. He called me over the weekend, and so there, you know, we talk, I don’t bother him, I’m not calling him every day,» Thune said in an interview.

Last week, Trump said, «We’re going to find out,» whether Thune was the man for the job to lead Senate Republicans, casting doubt on a critical relationship between him and the Senate’s top Republican.

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The tension stems from the SAVE America Act floundering in the Senate, and Trump’s desire to see the election integrity package passed by any means necessary.

Thune doesn’t see Trump’s comment as a personal slight, however. Both he and the president «want to get to the same place. We have, sometimes, disagreements about how best to get there.»

«Most of mine are constrained by what’s achievable in an institution like the Senate that has procedural roadblocks to do almost anything,» Thune said.

«We have those candid conversations, but I’m not worried about that relationship,» he continued. «I know he’s going to push as hard as he can. That’s his business model, is to just keep pushing, pushing, pushing to get people to go as far as they can go.»

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There is a voracious appetite among Trump, Senate Republicans and their base to see the SAVE America Act passed. One that Thune hears every day, either online or within his own conference.

It’s dominated the oxygen inside the Capitol and beyond its walls, and the pressure comes as the Senate is sprinting to finish work on key items, like preventing a government shutdown and confirming dozens of Trump’s nominees.

«There are good days and bad days,» Thune said. «And around here, probably lately more bad days than good days, but you know you just kind of, like I said, keep your head down, do the work.»

But passing the SAVE America Act is the most elusive item for Republicans, given the current make up of the Senate.

While there are a cohort of Republicans who are voting against it, Thune made the point that every single Senate Democrat has shut it down each of the five times that it’s been brought to the floor in a variety of configurations.

And Thune is one of the Republicans that wants the bill passed — he’s an original co-sponsor of the SAVE Act, the precursor to the current version of the SAVE America Act. The avenue of cutting Democrats out of the equation and ramming through aspects of the bill through budget reconciliation exists, which Thune is interested in pursuing.

But then comes the problem of generating 50 votes to support that, and keeping those votes together to shut down «crazy democratic amendments.»

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Thune’s job helming the Senate majority is to do the math on what can be accomplished in an institution that’s «designed» to be difficult. And the votes still aren’t adding up.

«I keep asking the question, am I the only one in this town that can count to 50? Because it seems like these questions recur and there are a lot of people out there who haven’t seemed to internalize the fact that there aren’t Democrats that are going to flip and vote for this,» Thune said.

«And there aren’t 50 Republicans that are going to vote to nuke the filibuster. Those are two facts that are indisputable and unchangeable.»

Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., argued that Democrats were continuing their push to keep DHS closed because it was «politically advantageous.» (Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)

Thune’s position is, by extension, an embodiment of the Senate in many ways.

Unlike the House, legislation and agendas can’t be rammed through without a bipartisan agreement to blast through the filibuster. And senators’ concerns and desires encompass an entire state, not just a sliver of a state’s population.

Through several interviews with Fox News Digital, he’s instilled that part of his job is to listen and take consensus on what does and doesn’t work, deliberating on the best path for a deliverable outcome.

«This place was supposed to be difficult, so that no dictator could master it, and I think that’s kind of the role of the Senate in our system and our democracy,» Thune said.

«It’s important to keep that in perspective, but it’s frustrating as heck when you’re somebody who likes to get things done, likes to get results, and you’ve got procedural roadblocks holding things up as we try to wind down and get some things done,» he continued.

Durante las vacaciones de agosto, el Instituto Salvadoreño de Turismo (ISTU) ha puesto en marcha una serie de opciones para quienes buscan destinos turísticos accesibles desde San Salvador.

A través del programa de Buses Alegres ofrece viajes organizados hacia algunos de los parques y sitios recreativos más visitados del país, con salidas programadas y tarifas asequibles para todos los interesados.

El programa Buses Alegres está diseñado para facilitar la visita a diferentes parques administrados por el ISTU, permitiendo a las familias y visitantes disfrutar de recorridos seguros y coordinados durante el periodo vacacional.

La oferta incluye destinos variados y precios que oscilan entre los seis y los diez dólares, cubriendo únicamente el transporte de ida y vuelta, según información difundida por la institución en su sitio web.

La agenda de agosto contempla salidas diarias a partir desde el 2 hasta el 9, con destinos que incluyen parques acuáticos, playas y rutas de montaña.

Para este día, el destino fue la Playa Los Almendros con un precio de 10 dólares. Para mañana, 5 de agosto los Buses Alegres irán al Parque Recreativo Apulo por un costo de 6 dólares.

Las siguientes fechas abarcan otras atracciones gestionadas por el ISTU. El 6 de agosto los buses parten hacia Cerro Verde con un costo de 8 dólares, el 7 de agosto la excursión será a Ichanmichen por 6 dólares, mientras que el 8 de agosto el destino será fuera del circuito administrado por la institución, específicamente hacia la Ruta de Las Flores, con un costo de 8 dólares, y el 9 de agosto el viaje será hacia la Costa del Sol también por un monto de 8 dólares.

Estas tarifas incluyen el traslado de ida y regreso, aunque el precio no contempla la entrada a los parques, la cual debe ser pagada por separado al llegar.

El punto de partida para todas las excursiones está ubicado en el parqueo del Parque Infantil de Diversiones, con acceso vehicular en la intersección de Alameda Juan Pablo II y Diagonal Universitaria. La hora de salida está fijada a las 6:30 de la mañana, permitiendo aprovechar al máximo el día en el destino turístico elegido.

El parqueo tiene un costo adicional de un dólar por vehículo, facilitando la llegada de quienes utilizan transporte propio antes de abordar los buses.

El programa de Buses Alegres establece que los viajes están sujetos a posibles cambios, recomendando a los interesados reservar su asiento con antelación.

Las reservaciones pueden realizarse a través del número telefónico 7517-9169 en horario de lunes a viernes, de 7:30 de la mañana a 3:30 de la tarde. Esta medida busca garantizar la disponibilidad de cupos y evitar contratiempos el día del viaje.

Los parques recreativos forman parte de la red de espacios que administra el ISTU, institución encargada de promover el turismo interno y el acceso a zonas naturales y de esparcimiento. Entre ellos destacan destinos como Amapulapa, conocido por sus piscinas y áreas verdes; y Walter Thilo Deininger, que ofrecen senderos y contacto directo con la naturaleza.

Otros destinos incluidos en los recorridos, como Cerro Verde, permiten el contacto con zonas de montaña y vistas panorámicas de la región occidental del país. Por su parte, la Ruta de Las Flores representa una alternativa para quienes se interesan en el turismo cultural y gastronómico, recorriendo pueblos emblemáticos de la zona. Ichanmichen y Apulo complementan la oferta con infraestructuras para el descanso y actividades acuáticas.

El Instituto Salvadoreño de Turismo mantiene de este modo su apuesta por acercar a la población a los principales atractivos turísticos del país, facilitando la movilidad y promoviendo el disfrute de las vacaciones de agosto en familia o con amigos. Para quienes buscan opciones accesibles y organizadas, los Buses Alegres representan una alternativa consolidada dentro del calendario turístico salvadoreño.