Democratic National Committee Chair Ken Martin is facing increased scrutiny from his party, including calls to resign, after he changed his months-long stance and released the party’s long-awaited autopsy on its 2024 election loss.

After months of refusing to release the report, which was meant to be an analysis of how and why former Vice President Kamala Harris lost the 2024 presidential election, Martin flipped and released the report Thursday.

Martin claimed he initially believed that putting out the report would be a distraction but then said that not releasing the report became «an even bigger distraction.»

Critics within his own party argued the report released Thursday was far from comprehensive.

DEMOCRATS RELEASE 2024 ELECTION AUTOPSY THAT CHAIR SAYS ‘DOES NOT MEET MY STANDARDS’

«I think it’s pretty unbelievable that Gaza would not be mentioned once in the autopsy report,» Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., told reporters Thursday.

«I think it was very clearly a major dynamic and a major thread that was happening in 2024, regardless of how one feels about that issue, the fact that it’s not even addressed, I think, is a major oversight, and I think that for young people it was a huge part of the environment. I can tell you for myself, as a candidate during that cycle, there’s no way that it was an ignorable issue or totally immaterial. So, I think that you know it’s a real disservice to not speak to that or include or assess that,» she said.

Ocasio-Cortez was far from the only congressional critic.

Rep. Ro Khanna, D-Calif., also criticized the document’s failure to mention Gaza.

«One of the reasons we lost was our blank check to Israel and Netanyahu while they committed genocide in Gaza,» he said in a video posted to his YouTube channel.

«We must speak and confront hard truths if this party is to win in 2028,» he added.

UNITY TESTED: DEMOCRATS FACE OFF OVER ISRAEL AND AIPAC DARK MONEY DURING DNC MEETING

Rep. Ro Khanna, D-Calif., speaks during the National Action Network National Convention in New York City on April 8, 2026. (Brendan McDermid/Reuters)

Others, like Rep. Mark Veasey, D-Texas, went as far as calling for Martin to resign.

«There doesn’t seem to be a plan to turn things around and the clock is ticking,» he told Semafor, adding, «November is literally around the corner… I believe it’s time for him to move on.»

Democratic strategist Steve Schale called the report release «an unmitigated s—show,» according to NBC, adding «there’s just no confidence in the competence in the DNC.»

Martin himself admitted the report’s inadequacy.

«I am not proud of this product; it does not meet my standards, and it won’t meet your standards,» he wrote Thursday, claiming he could not «in good faith put the DNC’s stamp of approval on it.»

DNC Chair Ken Martin makes a speech during the press conference for the DNC site visit at Ball Arena in Denver, Colo., on Wednesday, May 6, 2026. (Hyoung Chang/The Denver Post via Getty Images)

Entire sections of the report, which was written by Democratic strategist Paul Rivera, according to CNN, were left blank, and the document was reportedly riddled with omissions and factual errors.

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Aside from omitting any mention of the Gaza conflict splitting party voters, the report also failed to mention former President Joe Biden’s age or Kamala Harris’ selection of Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz as her running mate.

Fox News Digital contacted the DNC for additional comment.

Fox News’ Dan Scully contributed to this report.

Los republicanos tuvieron dificultades el jueves para conseguir los votos necesarios para rechazar la legislación que obligaría al presidente Donald Trump a retirarse de la guerra con Irán, lo que retrasó las votaciones previstas hasta junio.

La Cámara de Representantes había programado una votación sobre una resolución sobre poderes de guerra, presentada por los demócratas, que limitaría la campaña militar de Trump. Pero al quedar claro que los republicanos no tendrían los votos suficientes para rechazar el proyecto de ley, los líderes republicanos se negaron a someterlo a votación. Esta fue la señal más reciente del menguante apoyo en el Congreso a una guerra que Trump inició hace más de dos meses sin la aprobación del Congreso.

“Teníamos los votos, sin duda, y ellos lo sabían; como resultado, están jugando a la política”, declaró el representante demócrata Gregory Meeks, promotor del proyecto de ley.

Los republicanos en el Senado también están trabajando para asegurar los votos necesarios para rechazar otra resolución sobre poderes de guerra que llegó a votación final a principios de esta semana, cuando cuatro senadores republicanos la apoyaron y otros tres estuvieron ausentes.

Las acciones de los líderes del Congreso demostraron que los republicanos tienen dificultades para mantener el respaldo político a la gestión de Trump en la guerra. Los republicanos de base están cada vez más dispuestos a desafiar al presidente en este conflicto.

El líder republicano de la Cámara de Representantes, Steve Scalise, declaró a la prensa que la votación se retrasó para dar la oportunidad de votar a los legisladores ausentes. El presidente de la Cámara, Mike Johnson, no respondió a las preguntas de los periodistas al salir del hemiciclo.

La frustración con la guerra contra Irán crece en el Capitolio.

En el Capitolio, la paciencia con la guerra se ha agotado, ya que el estancamiento en el estrecho de Ormuz interrumpe el transporte marítimo mundial y eleva los precios de la gasolina en Estados Unidos. Otra resolución de la Cámara sobre poderes de guerra estuvo a punto de aprobarse la semana pasada, pero fracasó por un empate, con tres republicanos votando a favor.

Meeks, el principal demócrata del Comité de Asuntos Exteriores de la Cámara, afirmó tener los votos asegurados esta vez. “La gente está empezando a escuchar por fin al pueblo estadounidense que no apoya la guerra en Irán, y creo que cada vez hay más republicanos que comprenden lo devastadora que ha sido la guerra para nuestro país”, declaró el representante demócrata Adam Smith, del estado de Washington.

El único demócrata que votó en contra de la resolución sobre los poderes de guerra la semana pasada, el representante Jared Golden, de Maine, ha afirmado que votará a favor de la legislación la próxima vez.

En una declaración conjunta, el líder demócrata de la Cámara de Representantes, Hakeem Jeffries, y otros líderes del grupo parlamentario afirmaron que los republicanos actuaron con “cobardía” al retirar la votación.

“Incluso mientras nos preparamos para honrar a los héroes caídos de nuestra nación en el Día de los Caídos, los republicanos de la Cámara de Representantes se niegan a presentarse y rendir cuentas ante los valientes militares que han sido puestos en peligro de forma imprudente”, añadieron.

Los republicanos han apoyado en general los esfuerzos de Trump para destruir las capacidades nucleares de Irán, pero algunos afirman ahora que el plazo legal del presidente para declarar la guerra sin la aprobación del Congreso ha expirado. Según la Resolución sobre Poderes de Guerra de 1973, los presidentes tienen 60 días para iniciar un conflicto militar antes de que el Congreso deba declarar la guerra o autorizar el uso de la fuerza militar.

“Ya pasaron los 60 días, así que debe someterse a votación. Estamos cumpliendo la ley”, dijo el representante Brian Fitzpatrick, republicano de Pensilvania, añadiendo que planea votar a favor de la resolución sobre poderes de guerra.

La Casa Blanca argumenta que los requisitos de la Resolución sobre Poderes de Guerra ya no se aplican debido al alto el fuego con Irán. Al mismo tiempo, Trump afirmó que estuvo a solo una hora de ordenar otro ataque contra Irán a principios de esta semana, pero se abstuvo porque los aliados del Golfo dijeron que estaban en negociaciones para poner fin a la guerra.

Aun así, Trump declaró en redes sociales que los líderes militares deberían “estar preparados para lanzar un ataque a gran escala contra Irán, en cualquier momento, en caso de que no se alcance un acuerdo aceptable”. Trump ha fijado repetidamente plazos para Teherán y luego se ha retractado.

El senador Thom Tillis, republicano que hasta ahora ha votado en contra de las resoluciones sobre poderes de guerra, expresó su frustración con la postura del gobierno de Trump, especialmente la del secretario de Defensa, Pete Hegseth.

“Con el statu quo actual, Pete Hegseth demuestra su incompetencia”, declaró Tillis a la prensa, añadiendo que estaría dispuesto a votar a favor de una autorización para el uso de la fuerza militar.

A principios de esta semana, senadores demócratas se manifestaron frente al Capitolio el miércoles junto a VoteVets, un grupo de defensa de veteranos de tendencia izquierdista. Colocaron carteles en el césped del Capitolio señalando que el precio promedio nacional de la gasolina había subido a 4,53 dólares.

La senadora Tammy Duckworth, demócrata de Illinois que sirvió en la guerra de Irak con la Guardia Nacional Aérea, argumentó que la guerra contra Irán ha representado un error estratégico para Trump.

“Trump inició una guerra y ha empeorado las cosas”, dijo Duckworth, señalando al nuevo liderazgo de Irán y la disposición del país a estrangular el transporte marítimo comercial a través del estrecho de Ormuz.

Los líderes republicanos elogiaron a Trump por tomar lo que calificaron como una acción audaz para confrontar directamente a Irán, una nación que ha sido adversaria de Estados Unidos durante décadas.

“Soy estadounidense. No creo en recibir un golpe, salir ileso y fingir que no pasó nada”, dijo el representante Brian Mast, presidente republicano del Comité de Asuntos Exteriores de la Cámara de Representantes.

Para el Congreso, el creciente impulso para aprobar una resolución sobre poderes de guerra podría eventualmente conducir a un enfrentamiento legal sobre quién tiene la autoridad final sobre los conflictos militares.

La legislación que se encuentra ante la Cámara es una resolución concurrente que, según los legisladores, entraría en vigor sin la firma de Trump si se aprueba en ambas cámaras del Congreso.

Pero Trump también ha argumentado que la ley de 1973, aprobada por el Congreso durante la época de la Guerra de Vietnam en un intento por recuperar su poder sobre los conflictos extranjeros, es inconstitucional.

(Con información de AP)

Army leaders signaled Wednesday that drone-heavy warfare and recent conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East are reshaping the service’s aviation and missile defense strategy, driving new scrutiny of helicopter programs and costly Patriot interceptor systems.

The comments come as the Army’s fiscal year 2027 budget request sharply cuts the funding request for helicopter procurement, including reducing Apache funding from roughly $361.7 million to about $1.5 million, Black Hawk funding from about $913 million to roughly $39.3 million and Chinook procurement from roughly $629 million to about $210 million, while increasing investment in drones, autonomy and low-cost battlefield technologies.

The transformation push is already extending beyond procurement. The Army previously announced plans to cut roughly 6,500 active-duty aviation positions over fiscal years 2026 and 2027 — including pilots, flight crews and maintainers — as leaders shift resources toward unmanned systems and drone warfare.

It remains unclear whether the procurement reductions ultimately will shrink aviation fleet sizes, extend the service life of aging aircraft or delay planned replacement cycles.

Army leaders suggested the battlefield lessons driving the changes are already shaping budget decisions, as the service redirects money away from some traditional aviation programs toward drones, autonomy and low-cost mass systems.

«Absolutely, as we look across the aviation portfolio … we’re re-looking that,» Assistant Army Secretary Brent Ingraham said during a Pentagon media roundtable Wednesday. 

Ingraham said the Army is reassessing how traditional manned aircraft fit alongside larger unmanned systems increasingly capable of missions once handled by helicopters.

The proposed aviation cuts already have drawn concern on Capitol Hill. 

During a recent Senate Armed Services Committee hearing May 12, Sen. Mark Kelly, D-Ariz., warned that the Army’s budget request included «zero H-64 Apaches, zero Chinook Block IIs and one UH-60 Black Hawk,» arguing the service was divesting critical capabilities before validating replacements.

«Your department’s budget request cuts over $5 billion from the industrial base in the aviation sector alone, effectively shutting down all current Army aviation platforms,» Rep. Rosa DeLauro, D-Conn., top Democrat on the Appropriations Committee, pressed War Secretary Pete Hegseth during a May 12 House Appropriations hearing. «How did the department arrive at the conclusion that reducing procurement for these Army aviation platforms strengthens rather than weakens the aviation industrial base?»

Hegseth acknowledged the Pentagon was reconsidering parts of the plan.

«There are some very good things in the Army Transformation Initiative, and there are some things that we’ve needed to get another look at,» Hegseth told lawmakers during a House hearing after facing questions about the scale of the aviation cuts.

Hegseth said Pentagon leaders were focused on ensuring the Army does not create «aviation capability gaps» as it transitions toward more unmanned systems and next-generation technologies.

‘EYES IN THE SKY’: ARMY DRONE EXPERT EXPLAINS US STRATEGY ON INNOVATION AS GLOBAL CONFLICT LOOMS

Army leaders said the rapid spread of cheap drones is forcing the Army to rethink how it buys and fields aircraft, missile defenses and battlefield technology.

«We know we don’t want to continue to use a Patriot missile to shoot down a cheap drone,» Ingraham said. «You’ve got to get on the right side of the cost curve.»

The concern has become increasingly urgent after the U.S. and its allies burned through large numbers of expensive missile defense interceptors during the Israel-Iran conflict and broader Middle East operations, fueling Pentagon concerns about stockpile depletion and the long-term sustainability of relying on multimillion-dollar defensive systems against cheap drones and missiles. 

The Colombian army activated its first unmanned aircraft battalion at the military base in Tolemaida, Colombia, on Oct. 10, 2025, to counter illegal armed groups using drones in conflict. (Raul Arboleda/AFP)

Officials also described a new allied drone and counter-drone procurement marketplace designed to speed foreign military sales and standardize interoperable systems across partner nations. Driscoll compared the effort to «an Amazon for war.»

Officials said the marketplace is expected to become available to roughly 25 U.S. allies and partners worldwide, initially focused on drone and counter-drone systems before potentially expanding to additional capabilities and countries.

The platform will for now only allow allies to buy U.S. capabilities. 

US DRAINS CRITICAL MISSILE STOCKPILES IN IRAN WAR AS YEARSLONG REBUILD LOOMS

The Army also is launching a rapid competition to develop low-cost interceptors designed to counter drones and cruise missiles without exhausting multimillion-dollar Patriot missile stocks.

Ingraham said companies will have roughly 120 days after an upcoming industry event to demonstrate technologies ranging from rocket motors and seekers to fully integrated interceptor concepts.

«Even if you don’t have it all on the ground … bring it,» he said.

The transformation effort reflects growing concern inside the Pentagon that cheap drones, autonomous systems and mass-produced weapons are rapidly changing the economics and survivability assumptions of modern warfare, particularly after conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East exposed vulnerabilities in traditional armored and aviation-heavy battlefield concepts.

Army leaders signaled that drone-heavy warfare and recent conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East are reshaping the service’s aviation and missile defense strategy, driving new scrutiny of helicopter programs and costly Patriot interceptor systems. (Anthony Bailey/Handout via Reuters)

Army leaders increasingly suggest future wars will rely less on small numbers of expensive manned platforms and more on large quantities of cheaper, networked and rapidly replaceable systems capable of surviving in drone-saturated battlefields.

Army Secretary Daniel Driscoll said at the roundtable that the service is attempting to overhaul what leaders view as decades of broken acquisition practices that left the Army too slow to adapt to rapidly changing battlefield conditions.

«How do we dig down deep into the system to change the broken processes that have led to so many bad outcomes over the last 30 years?» Driscoll said.

Driscoll said the Army had lost Congress’s trust after decades of acquisition failures and budget overruns.

«The United States Army had in some ways lost Congress’s trust over the last 30 years that we could do big new projects, keep them on time, keep them on budget,» he said.

He later referenced the Army’s now-canceled M10 Booker armored vehicle program as an example of the type of procurement failure leaders are trying to avoid.

«When we go to Congress and say, ‘Hey, trust us to develop a new platform. This one will not turn out like the Booker tank,’» Driscoll said.

Driscoll argued the Army already is trying to field new capabilities on dramatically accelerated timelines more similar to wartime adaptation cycles seen in Ukraine than traditional Pentagon acquisition schedules.

«When Operation Epic Fury kicked off, we were able to on day five go start the process to purchase 13,000 Merops counter-drone interceptors,» Driscoll said.

«By day 10, we had contracted for something we had never purchased before,» he added. «They were starting to flow into theater in the thousands by day 20.»

Army officials also said the service is trying to rapidly improve how weapons systems, sensors and battlefield networks communicate with one another after studying Ukraine’s ability to quickly integrate commercial and military technologies during the war.

«The Ukrainians were highlighting to us how their open architecture system allowed information to pass between nearly all of their sensors and radars,» Driscoll said. «That empowered so many things that they could do that we just can’t do yet.»

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«At this exact moment at Fort Carson, there are 450 developers and programmers jailbreaking all of our equipment,» he added.

«I’m cautiously optimistic within a month from now we will have jailbroken literally hundreds of pieces of equipment.»