INTERNACIONAL
Powerful Cold War-era tool Trump could use in an AI emergency is set to expire in December
One of Washington’s most powerful Cold War-era tools could be used by President Donald Trump to rein in artificial intelligence (AI) if the powerful emerging technology ever becomes a national security threat.
Originally enacted in 1950 to mobilize American industry during the Korean War, the Defense Production Act (DPA) has long been used to expand military production, prioritize government contracts and respond to national emergencies. Experts now say those authorities could also give the executive branch significant leverage over frontier AI companies if one of their systems posed catastrophic national security risks.
Exactly how the government could use DPA’s powers against a dangerous AI system remains largely untested, but national security and legal experts who spoke with Digital described a range of existing authorities that could apply — including laws in the act that encompass cyberattacks, exports, federal contracts and civil liability.
THE AI REVOLUTION COULD BECOME A NATIONAL SECURITY DISASTER IF WE AREN’T CAREFUL
«The authorities could be a little clearer,» James Lewis, director of the Strategic Technologies Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, told Digital. «But you could probably cobble together a solution using the legal authorities we have now.»
The question has taken on new urgency after leaders at some of the nation’s most powerful AI companies issued stark warnings this week about increasingly capable models and backed calls to slow the pace of development so safety measures can catch up.
Trump said this week that the administration already has «tremendous criminal and regulatory power» over AI companies as he pushed back on calls from industry leaders for new guardrails on increasingly powerful models.
That largely remains because Congress recently extended most of the DPA’s authorities, which were set to expire on Sept. 30, through Dec. 11, 2026. This is sure to set up another reauthorization fight later this year, right before the power of the legislative body could change after November’s midterms in the new year.
TRUMP PLAN TAPS US FIRMS TO FIGHT FOREIGN CYBERCRIME
Lewis said the cyber threat has already changed. Finding vulnerabilities that once took months can now take days or even hours, he explained, while AI can help attackers chain smaller weaknesses together into more damaging attacks.
«The threat itself is not new,» Lewis said, recounting a recent conversation with a senior official from a Five Eyes intelligence partner. «We’ve known about this for a while, but people weren’t taking it seriously.»
AI, he said, has «changed the landscape dramatically.»
The Trump administration has already begun building a framework to identify when those capabilities become dangerous.
A June executive order directed federal agencies, including the NSA and CISA, to establish classified benchmarks for advanced cyber capabilities and determine when an AI system should be designated a «covered frontier model.» The order also calls for a voluntary framework through which developers can give the government early access to covered models before their release — while expressly stopping short of creating mandatory federal licensing or pre-clearance for frontier AI.
But knowing a dangerous capability exists is only the first problem. The next question is what Washington can actually do about it.
One potentially powerful use of the Defense Production Act would come before an AI system ever caused damage: forcing companies to tell the government what they are developing.
James E. Baker, a former chief judge of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Armed Forces who previously served as a legal adviser to the National Security Council, pointed to the DPA’s broad information-gathering authority.
«What you could use the DPA for is to require reporting, and that’s the first step to making sound policy,» Baker told Digital. «You can have a debate about whether there should be regulation and what the regulation should look like. But you really can’t argue against knowing what’s happening.»
«That’s the first place to start: know what’s happening, and then you can react with either a policy prescription, a legal prescription or nothing at all.»
The DPA’s limits, however, are just as important.
Paul Rosenzweig, a lawyer and former deputy assistant secretary for policy at the Department of Homeland Security, said the law was principally designed to ensure the government could obtain goods and services needed for national defense — not to give Washington broad power to stop private companies from producing them.
«The Defense Production Act is more about mandating the production of things for the United States rather than preventing the production for the general public,» Rosenzweig told Digital.
Where it could prove particularly useful, he agreed, is giving the government access to information.
«What it does give them, I think, and this is the best part about it, is it does give them a pretty good handle for demanding more information about a defense-sensitive kind of product, which frontier AI certainly could be reasonably characterized as,» Rosenzweig said.
If the DPA could help Washington understand what AI companies are building, other existing authorities could potentially come into play depending on the threat.
Export controls can restrict sensitive technology from reaching foreign adversaries. Government contracting rules can impose conditions on companies seeking federal business. And criminal laws continue to apply when AI is used to commit crimes.
The June executive order, for example, directed the attorney general to prioritize enforcement of existing federal criminal laws against people who use AI to illegally access or damage computer systems.
Trump has separately directed national security agencies to expand their use of frontier AI while requiring systems used by the military and intelligence community to remain controllable and preserve clear lines of human accountability.
«I think it’s important to understand that there’s no broad AI exemption from generally applicable law,» Rosenzweig said.
Both federal and state governments already have «a host of legal authorities» potentially applicable to frontier AI, he said, ranging from tort liability and privacy rules to consumer protections and criminal law.
But Rosenzweig cautioned that no one knows precisely how well that patchwork would hold up in a true AI emergency because it has never been tested.
The uncertainty becomes even greater if an AI system causes damage on its own.
If a model autonomously hacked a hospital, company or critical infrastructure network, for example, Rosenzweig said courts would have to determine whether the developer was negligent, whether a stricter product liability standard should apply and whether the damage could even be reliably traced back to a particular AI system.
«I tend to think that liability is going to be difficult to establish early on,» Rosenzweig said. «Right now, that’s not where I would base my deterrence model.»
That uncertainty points to the limits of the government’s existing toolkit. The laws already on the books give federal and state authorities multiple avenues to respond to dangerous uses of AI, but many have never been tested against a system acting with increasing autonomy.
For now, Rosenzweig said, that leaves policymakers applying laws written for other threats to a technology evolving faster than the legal system around it.
politics, artificial intelligence, defense, national security, regulation, technology, donald trump
Susan Rogers y Ogi Ogas abren su libro con una pregunta que parece sencilla y resulta imposible de responder con exactitud: ¿por qué una canción puede detener el tiempo para una persona y pasar completamente inadvertida para otra? La respuesta que construyen a lo largo de El pensamiento musical es que la conexión con la música no es azarosa ni universal, sino el resultado de un perfil de escucha individual, compuesto por siete dimensiones que combinan la arquitectura neurológica de cada oyente, su historia personal y sus asociaciones emocionales.
El libro aborda preguntas que cualquier oyente se ha hecho sin respuesta: por qué ciertas melodías transportan al pasado en cuestión de segundos, qué ocurre en el cerebro cuando la música emociona, activa o consuela, cómo es posible que una canción provoque piel de gallina. A través de historias de estudio y hallazgos de la neurociencia cognitiva, Rogers propone que todos los oyentes poseen un perfil único y que la capacidad de comprender la música se amplía cuando se aprende a escucharla con mayor atención.
El modelo que proponen, al que denominan Perfil del Oyente, funciona como una cartografía de los “puntos óptimos” musicales de cada persona: los elementos sonoros —un ritmo, una textura, un timbre específico— que generan una respuesta intensa y que varían de manera sustancial entre individuos. Rogers, formada en neurociencia cognitiva, llega a ese planteamiento desde un ángulo poco habitual para un académico: pasó años como ingeniera de sonido de Prince durante la era de Purple Rain y trabajó con artistas como Geggy Tah y Barenaked Ladies. Esa trayectoria le permite anclar las observaciones científicas en experiencias concretas de estudio, y el libro oscila entre ambos registros.
La popularidad musical vive entre lo conocido y lo desconocido
Una de las ideas más productivas del libro es la curva que Rogers traza entre novedad y popularidad. En un extremo del espectro se ubican las obras más simples y familiares; en el otro, las propuestas que desafían las convenciones establecidas. La popularidad alcanza su punto más alto en una zona intermedia, donde conviven elementos reconocibles con otros que el oyente todavía no ha procesado del todo.
Lo que el libro añade a esa intuición es una dimensión histórica: la forma de esa curva se mantiene entre generaciones, pero se desplaza. Lo que hoy suena experimental puede ser recibido como familiar en el futuro, una vez que el público asimila determinadas innovaciones sonoras. Rogers llama a ese mecanismo de detección “cerebro productor discográfico”, y lo presenta como algo que opera de forma automática en cada oyente, por debajo del juicio consciente.
El perfil tampoco es estático. Puede modificarse con la edad, con los vínculos afectivos y con los distintos momentos de la vida. El libro conecta esa maleabilidad con algo más amplio: la elección musical como expresión de identidad. Cambios visibles en los géneros preferidos, sostienen los autores con respaldo en investigaciones empíricas, suelen ser leídos por el entorno como señales de una transformación personal más profunda.
La vergüenza por una canción revela más sobre la identidad que la canción misma
El concepto de “placer culpable” es uno de los ejes más sugerentes del libro. La reacción espontánea ante una canción puede entrar en conflicto con la imagen que alguien quiere proyectar, y esa tensión —entre lo que se siente y lo que se considera aceptable— es, para Rogers y Ogas, un dato revelador sobre el oyente.
El libro conecta esa idea con la distinción del psicoanalista Donald Winnicott entre el verdadero y el falso yo. Bajo esa lectura, la incomodidad por disfrutar cierta música no respondería a la música en sí, sino a la distancia entre una respuesta emocional genuina y una identidad pública moldeada por expectativas sociales o jerarquías de prestigio cultural.
Rogers cuenta que, en los momentos tranquilos del estudio, acostumbraba a preguntarles a los productores por su placer culpable: “Un disco que te daría vergüenza admitir que te gusta”. Esas confesiones, señala, podían revelar aspectos de la identidad musical que las personas preferían mantener ocultos. El propósito del Perfil del Oyente es precisamente ese: identificar por qué un ritmo o una voz resultan atractivos, antes de que intervenga su valoración social.
Una anécdota recogida en la obra condensa esa idea. “Una vez me dijeron que ‘a nadie le gusta tu música’”, recuerda la autora, antes de señalar que esa frase puede ser literalmente cierta desde la lógica del modelo: no existe un oyente promedio ni una combinación idéntica de experiencias, recuerdos y predisposiciones neurológicas. Cada perfil es, en ese sentido, singular e irrepetible.
El libro cierra su argumento en el mismo lugar donde lo abre: en la experiencia de enamorarse de una canción sin saber del todo por qué. La respuesta que Rogers y Ogas ofrecen no disuelve ese misterio, pero sí lo hace más legible.
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Ukraine officials said the country’s official air-raid alert app was likely hacked after emergency alerts warned on Sunday that there was a «radiation hazard» and a «chemical attack alert» in Kyiv.
The false warnings urged residents not to go outside.
«There is a radiation hazard alert in Kyiv. Do not go outside!» read one alert.
RUSSIA LAUNCHES BALLISTIC MISSILE ATTACK ON KYIV HOURS AFTER ZELENSKYY WARNS OF MAJOR STRIKE
Cyber actors associated with Russian Intelligence have targeted thousands of commercial messaging apps (CMAs) according to a PSA shared jointly by the FBI and CISA Friday. (Photo by Morteza Nikoubazl/NurPhoto via Getty Images)
«There is a chemical attack alert in Kyiv. Do not go outside!» another one read.
The public air alert online map also displayed Kyiv and other areas as under a nuclear alert. The app also issued false warnings about Russia’s hypersonic Oreshnik missile and alleged street fighting in Kyiv.
Additionally, loudspeakers in the streets blasted a recorded message instructing people to take precautions.
Flame engulfs the city administration building partially destroyed by a Russian airstrike on November 1, 2026, in Kramatorsk, Ukraine. (Alex Nikitenko/Global Images Ukraine via Getty Images)
But Ukraine’s Air Force said its air alert app was hacked and that there was no radiation hazard to be concerned about.
«The air alert app appears to have been subjected to enemy influence. There is no radiation threat! Stay calm and follow our updates on our channel!» the Ukrainian Air Force said in a statement posted to Telegram.
Ukraine’s Center for Strategic Communications blamed Russia for the incident, although no group had publicly claimed responsibility.
CHINA-LINKED HACKERS INFILTRATED US GOVERNMENT NETWORKS BEFORE FBI TAKEDOWN
Teenagers are looking at the city view during a partial power outages following Russian attacks in Kyiv on October 31, 2026. (Tetiana DZHAFAROVA / AFP via Getty Images)
Separately, Russia’s Emergencies Ministry said early Monday that its mobile application had been hit by a «massive cyberattack» that allowed attackers to send false information to the public.
«Attention! The mobile application of the Ministry of Emergencies of Russia has been subjected to a massive cyberattack, enabling attackers to send false information to the public,» the ministry said on Telegram.
Fox News’ Simon Owen contributed to this report.
ukraine, world, cybercrime, hackers, warnings disasters, security, russia
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Small Iranian «ghost fleet» tankers are slipping past the U.S. naval blockade and smuggling sanctioned liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) to China through a shadowy maritime hub off Malaysia, according to U.S. investigators who covertly filmed one of the vessels en route in September.
United Against Nuclear Iran (UANI), which conducted the months-long probe, said at least nine similar tankers carrying Iranian oil or LPG have also evaded U.S. restrictions in the Strait of Hormuz since Washington reinstated the Iranian port blockade in July.
UANI identified one of the sanctioned tankers as the SOGL. It allegedly escaped the blockade on Sept. 1 carrying approximately 500,000 barrels of Iranian LPG after collecting it at an Iranian port in August.
The vessel then traveled thousands of miles to a Malaysian offshore anchorage, where UANI filmed the vessel receiving fuel and other services offshore. The ship then traveled on to China, where the organization said it discharged its Iranian cargo.
IRAN’S $800M OIL SMUGGLING SCHEME USES TANKERS POSING AS IRAQI SHIPS TO DODGE BLOCKADE
U.S. Marines aboard USS New Orleans (LPD 18) stand watch in the Arabian Sea during naval blockade operations against Iran. (U.S. Central Command)
«This tanker had loaded its Iranian LPG from Assaluyeh Port, Iran, in late August. It then breached the U.S. blockade and made its way to a Malaysian anchorage,» Jemima Shelley, a senior analyst at UANI, explained.
«What this shows us is that some vessels are managing to breach the U.S. maritime blockade,» Shelley said of the footage shared exclusively with Fox News Digital.
«Most vessels aren’t, but since the reinstatement in mid-July, we have seen only nine small tankers being successful in their breach of the U.S. blockade and departing the Gulf of Oman laden with oil or LPG.»
At the center of the operation is the Malaysian Eastern Outer Port Limits Anchorage, known as the EOPL, an offshore shipping area approximately 70 kilometers from Malaysia’s coastline.
The anchorage has become a critical staging ground for Iran’s sanctioned energy trade with China, Shelley said.
The area allows vessels to wait offshore, receive supplies and transfer cargo between tankers, providing a logistical lifeline for Iranian energy exports as American naval forces patrol waters closer to Iran.
UANI had been monitoring the SOGL before its arrival in Malaysian waters, Shelley explained.
US TARGETS CHINESE REFINERY IN SWEEPING IRAN OIL CRACKDOWN, SANCTIONS ‘SHADOW FLEET’ TANKERS
«On September 16th, United Against Nuclear Iran chartered a supply vessel and transited 100 nautical miles into the Malaysian Eastern Outer Port Limits Anchorage,» Shelley said.
«Here we witnessed firsthand the illicit activities of ghost fleet tankers, as well as some Iran-flagged cargo ships that were located in this anchorage, one of them being the SOGL.»
She described the SOGL as «a Handymax small tanker that was laden with 500,000 barrels of Iranian LPG.»
The U.S. maritime blockade was first imposed April 13, temporarily lifted in mid-June and reinstated July 14 after diplomatic negotiations collapsed. The operation has largely stopped Iran from exporting crude oil, depriving Tehran of a major source of revenue as the country faces intense economic pressure.
«The U.S. blockade is an overwhelming success at preventing vessels laden with Iranian oil and petrochemicals from leaving the Gulf of Oman,» Shelley said.
She added that since the blockade was reinstated, «no Iranian crude oil has managed to depart and be a successful export for Iran, which is a huge economic pressure for the Iranian regime.»
«It’s just that there are some opportunistic small tankers that are just managing to breach the blockade.»
The United States, she said, is primarily prioritizing Iranian crude and very large tankers, which often carry «two million barrels of Iranian crude.»
MORNING GLORY: PRESIDENT TRUMP AND THE AMERICAN MILITARY HAVE BEATEN IRAN
Malaysia is roughly a 10-day-to-two-week journey from Iran. (AFP/AFP via Getty Images)
LPG is a flammable mixture of hydrocarbons, primarily propane and butane, used for heating, cooking, transportation and industrial production.
«LPG carries a lot of risks,» Shelley said. «The U.S. blockade’s first course of action is to try to attempt to turn around these vessels, which is their main technique for enforcing the U.S. blockade.»
«However, sometimes they do have to use military force and this would be incredibly high risk on far more volatile cargo such as LPG.»
According to Shelley, the smaller vessels exploit those challenges while using tactics commonly associated with Iran’s ghost fleet.
«So what they’ll do is they will turn off their AIS. They will often fly a false flag so they’re completely stateless vessels,» she added.
Automatic Identification System, or AIS, transponders broadcast a vessel’s identity, position and movements to other ships and maritime authorities. Switching them off can make a vessel more difficult to track.
«Often they will load, and then they will transit the Persian Gulf, the Strait of Hormuz, and then in the Gulf of Oman, they will conduct a ship-to-ship transfer there,» Shelley said, describing it as a «very high-risk ship-to-ship transfer because it’s LPG, not crude oil.»
«And then the other tanker that’s receiving the LPG will then transit and attempt to breach the blockade.»
The overall scale remains relatively small compared with Iran’s historical energy exports.
US ECONOMIC CHOKEHOLD ON IRAN REACHES PEAK LEVERAGE AS COLLAPSE RISKS EMERGE
Liquefied petroleum gas, or LPG, is a flammable mixture of hydrocarbons, primarily propane and butane, used for heating, cooking, transportation and industrial production and carries risk when shipped. (Firdous Nazir/NurPhoto via Getty Images)
The SOGL, identified by IMO number 9208227, was added to the U.S. Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control sanctions list Oct. 8 over its alleged involvement in transporting Iranian petroleum products since 2025.
The vessel has operated under multiple flags, including the Comoros and Zimbabwe, and has been linked in sanctions records to Gravion Maritime Co.
«Most of these tankers are very emblematic of what ghost fleet tankers do and so are flying false flags, which means they’re completely stateless and will have very complicated front companies running them,» Shelley said.
Meanwhile, the EOPL anchorage in Malaysia — roughly a 10-day-to-two-week journey from Iran — has become an important logistical center for Iranian vessels traveling toward Chinese buyers and a «key node in Iran’s oil trade to China,» Shelley said.
«It is used by ghost fleet tankers, Iran-flagged tankers that will load Iranian crude and then transit eastwards from Iran all the way to this anchorage where they will often conduct ship-to-ship transfers with the final tanker bound for China.»
«Often this anchorage is also used for floating storage, which is how Iran managed to survive for so long with the U.S. blockade being reinstated in July,» Shelley said.
She also clarified that since the blockade has been enforced, Iranian floating storage has fallen to «zero to seven million barrels.»
«So you can see how they have survived from having this offshore anchorage where illicit ghost fleet tankers have been able to wait laden with Iranian products.»
IRAN’S OIL LIFELINE IS DRYING UP. THE BIGGEST PAIN MAY FALL ON ORDINARY CITIZENS
United Against Nuclear Iran (UANI) filmed the sanctioned tanker offshore. (UANI)
UANI’s video also shows the SOGL sitting low in the water and receiving bunkering services from a smaller tanker off Malaysia, where Shelley said authorities appear to be «looking the other way.»
«This is a common thing that you will see in this anchorage, because not only is this anchorage used for ship-to-ship transfers, but also these ghost fleet tankers, as well as some cargo ships in this anchorage, require various services, whether that is food, logistics or bunker fuel.»
China is the dominant destination for Iranian oil and LPG, providing Tehran with a critical economic outlet despite U.S. sanctions and the naval blockade.
«For years, China has made up 80% of Iran’s liquid cargo exports, and we have seen that only grow since the beginning of the Iran War. Now China is importing almost 100% of Iran’s oil and LPG exports.»
«It has created a system and trade that has allowed Iran to avoid sanctions, U.S. and OPEC sanctions, whilst China is able to buy highly discounted Iranian oil and LPG.»
IRAN SEIZES SHIPS IN HORMUZ AS US TALKS FALTER AFTER CEASEFIRE EXTENSION
An Iranian oil tanker is seen floating in the Caspian Sea. (HENGHAMEH FAHIMI/AFP via Getty Images)
«After United Against Nuclear Iran’s trip to the EOPL, interestingly, this small LPG tanker SOGL did not conduct a ship-to-ship transfer,» Shelley said.
«Instead, it transited northbound into the South China Sea, where it finally discharged its Iranian LPG at Xinzhou Port in China.»
The G Summer, a U.S.-sanctioned LPG carrier with a capacity of approximately 7,000 cubic meters, was also separately tracked transmitting signals from the Arabian Sea beyond the American blockade line in April, according to Bloomberg.
The vessel broadcast a message indicating it had an «all Chinese crew» aboard, while shipping analytics identified Iran as its last cargo country and Galle, Sri Lanka, as its reported destination.
Fox News Digital has reached out to CENTCOM for comment.
world, iran, us navy, sanctions, national security, middle east
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