El mercado de cartas coleccionables de Pokémon quedó cerca de igualar el rendimiento de NVIDIA desde 2019, de acuerdo con una comparación que toma como referencia una base inicial de 100 puntos. La medición ubicó a NVDA en 4.130 puntos, equivalente a una multiplicación por 41 de su valor inicial, mientras que el índice de Pokémon llegó a 4.010 puntos, o unas 40 veces respecto del comienzo de la serie. La distancia entre ambos activos se redujo a 120 puntos.

La comparación parte de una base de 100 puntos en 2019

El registro no expresa los precios en dólares de una acción, una criptomoneda o una carta individual. Todas las referencias comenzaron en 100 en 2019 para permitir una comparación proporcional entre mercados de características distintas. Bajo esa metodología, el valor final muestra cuántas veces se multiplicó cada activo desde el inicio del período. Así, una marca de 4.010 indica una suba cercana a 40 veces frente al punto de partida.

La línea correspondiente a Pokémon mostró una primera escalada entre 2020 y 2021. Después atravesó una caída y una etapa de menor movimiento que se extendió hasta 2024. El cambio se produjo desde 2025, cuando la curva retomó una trayectoria ascendente y se acercó a la de NVIDIA. La variación señalada para las cartas fue de 510% en los últimos dos años.

La medición incluyó también a Bitcoin, Ethereum, oro, Nasdaq 100, S&P 500 y Micron. Cada activo registró comportamientos diferentes durante el período. Bitcoin y Ethereum exhibieron picos elevados entre 2021 y 2024, seguidos por una moderación de sus curvas. El oro, el S&P 500, el Nasdaq 100 y Micron permanecieron en valores inferiores dentro de la comparación, con recorridos menos pronunciados.

El índice reúne precios de cartas seleccionadas

El Pokémon Index es un indicador que sigue el desempeño agregado de una selección de cartas coleccionables. En este caso, la referencia corresponde a una metodología asociada con plataformas de análisis del sector como Card Ladder, que reúne operaciones de compra y venta para elaborar una serie de precios. El índice no representa a una compañía vinculada con la franquicia ni refleja la facturación de videojuegos, productos o licencias.

Su mecanismo busca ofrecer una referencia sobre el comportamiento general del mercado de cartas Pokémon. Para eso, incorpora ejemplares representativos, entre ellos cartas de alto valor, piezas secretas, ediciones como Base Set 1st Edition y unidades graduadas por empresas de certificación como PSA o BGS. La composición permite seguir la evolución de un conjunto de activos, en lugar de tomar el precio de una sola carta.

El modelo se asemeja al de un índice bursátil, aunque sus componentes y condiciones de negociación son diferentes. El S&P 500, por ejemplo, mide el comportamiento de un grupo de grandes empresas de Estados Unidos. El índice de Pokémon sigue una canasta de cartas seleccionadas y pondera sus cotizaciones de compra y venta. Por ese motivo, una suba del indicador no implica que todas las cartas de la franquicia registren la misma variación.

La conservación y la escasez inciden en las cotizaciones

El valor de cada carta depende de factores concretos. La escasez, el estado de conservación, la edición, la certificación y la demanda por determinados personajes o lanzamientos influyen sobre los precios. Una misma carta puede registrar cotizaciones diferentes según presente marcas, desgaste o defectos, y según obtenga una determinada calificación de empresas especializadas.

Las piezas graduadas concentran parte de la atención de este mercado porque la certificación establece una referencia sobre el estado físico del ejemplar. Las cartas de alta calificación, las ediciones limitadas y algunas piezas secretas integran el segmento que suele atraer operaciones de mayor valor. Esa dinámica forma parte de los criterios que explican por qué un índice de coleccionables puede diferir del recorrido de cartas de circulación más amplia.

El auge de las cartas de Pokémon combinó la nostalgia de quienes conocieron la franquicia desde su expansión inicial con la demanda global por productos coleccionables. A ese interés se sumó la compra de piezas como activos alternativos de inversión, una categoría que reúne bienes cuyo precio no depende de manera directa de los mercados financieros tradicionales. La demanda especulativa también incidió sobre las cotizaciones de cartas con oferta limitada.

La comparación con acciones, metales y criptomonedas permite observar la magnitud del avance registrado por el conjunto de cartas incluido en la medición. NVDA conservó el primer lugar con 4.130 puntos, mientras el índice Pokémon llegó a 4.010. El resto de los activos incluidos quedó por debajo de ambos en la escala utilizada para el período iniciado en 2019.

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Democrats are up in arms after a so-called polling firm that projected far-left candidates as strong contenders in several primaries admitted that it had fabricated its polling data.

Wedgewood Polling, which billed itself as an election survey company, released a statement Tuesday night admitting it used «fabricated numbers» for an «experimental project to demonstrate the vulnerabilities, lack of oversight, and overall low barrier to entry in the modern political polling industry.»

The group’s polls were cited by Abdul El-Sayed’s campaign amid a high-profile primary race against Michigan state Sen. Mallory McMorrow and U.S. Rep. Haley Stevens, D-Mich. The nonpartisan polling aggregator Political Polls also cited Wedgewood in the Wisconsin gubernatorial race, showing socialist Francesca Hong having an edge over Republican candidate Rep. Tom Tiffany, R-Wis.

McMorrow said Wedgewood’s numbers led to her donations drying up and reporters having «hounded» her with calls to drop out of the race.

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«Sure, a point was proven. Polling is broken. But tens of thousands of people poured their hearts, time, energy, hard-earned money into something they believed in – for a year-and-a-half, and it was treated like a game,» she said in a statement on X. «Trust is already at an all-time low. We don’t get out of this mess without rebuilding trust. And media – who loves to ride the drama of a pollercoaster – needs to take a hard look at what’s legitimate and what’s not.»

Unlike El-Sayed, who advanced from Michigan’s Democratic Senate primary, Hong lost Wisconsin’s Democratic gubernatorial primary to the establishment-backed candidate. El-Sayed, a former Michigan public health official, is currently locked in a tight race against former U.S. Rep. Mike Rogers, R-Mich., for Michigan’s open Senate seat.

Democrat strategist Jennifer Holdsworth said she ran a super PAC that raised money for McMorrow and that «this poll was used by several donors to pull back funding at a time we were being outspent by $80 million.»

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Wedgewood’s numbers were cited by high-profile outlets like The New York Times and Decision Desk HQ, which both said they have since removed them from their projections.

The Times said it removed 15 polls released by Wedgewood between June and October after it admitted to fabricating data. The outlet said Wedgewood had «answered a series of questions regarding the identities of the pollsters; the methods they were using to draw their sample, contact respondents and weight their polls; and the source of their funding» during its vetting process.

Decision Desk HQ said it removed 17 Wedgewood polls from its projections but that it «has not changed the projected seat totals or chamber control probabilities in the Senate or House.»

Wedgewood Polling’s statement said it «was never intended to sway an election» but rather was aimed as a «wake-up call» about data integrity and vetting standards.

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«These people are absolute scumbags,» veteran Democratic strategist and former Kamala Harris advisor Mike Nellis told Digital. «They can try to claim that they have some moral high ground here, but they lied about their polling data, got caught, and are freaking out because they’ve committed fraud.»

«The people responsible for this should be run out of American politics, and if they can be, they should be prosecuted to the full extent of the law,» Nellis said. He added that both Democrats and Republicans, as well as the media, should reflect on how polling is verified «because there’s likely other people that are doing things like this.»

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Independent outlet FiftyPlusOne said it was investigating Wedgewood when it had released its statement. Co-founder G. Elliott Morris wrote on X, «We were investigating Wedgewood for faking their data and emailed them for comment this morning, ahead of publishing the findings tomorrow. They are trying to cover up their fraud with the ‘we were doing a social experiment’ excuse.»

Former Obama staffer Tommy Vietor said on X that Wedgewood’s actions amounted to «lying and fraud.»

A group called «Wedgewood Polls» had also previously created a GoFundMe to raise money for polling in Nebraska’s gubernatorial and Senate races. It raised $500 of its intended $5,000.

«I know they crowdfunded, I believe, a good chunk of their polls,» Nellis told Digital. «Are they going to return that money? And if not, are they going to be prosecuted?»

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Other Wedgewood surveys showed Democrats with significant edges over Republicans in states like Texas, where a July Wedgewood poll showed James Talarico leading state Attorney General Ken Paxton among Hispanics by 64% to 30%.

Republicans, including President Donald Trump, have long heaped doubt on the veracity of polls.

Polls notably showed former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton with an edge over Trump in 2016 — far from the actual result.

And with the fight for control of Congress coming to a head in November, every data point is being scrutinized as political tea leaves.

Digital reached out to McMorrow’s state Senate office, Stevens’ campaign and strategist Lis Smith for further comment.

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The Trump administration is closing in on $1 billion in payments to American veterans, families and civilian employees who were exposed to toxic drinking water at Marine Corps Camp Lejeune in North Carolina between 1953 and 1987.

For many, the payouts would finally rectify a decades-long battle for justice.

According to the Department of Justice (DOJ), claimants have received more than $919.7 million since President Donald Trump began his second term in office in January 2025. The administration has paid out about 3,300 people who made claims under the 2022 law. From that year to the beginning of 2025, before Trump retook office, only 459 settlements had been paid, totaling $59.6 million.

Payments under the program range from $100,000 to $550,000, depending on the illness.

«Tonight I’m pleased to announce my administration has delivered $1 billion in cash settlements to these veterans and their families, in addition to 3.1 billion for the VA and ordering the DOJ to settle all remaining legitimate claims as soon as possible,» Trump said at a rally in North Carolina on Tuesday night. «We don’t want to give any to the trial lawyers, we want it all to go to the families.»

The claims are due to be paid out under a 2022 law, the Sergeant First Class Heath Robinson Honoring our Promise to Address Comprehensive Toxics Act, which includes the Camp Lejeune Justice Act. Under the law, victims who developed cancer or other illnesses from the drinking water on the base are entitled to relief.

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The Trump administration in March announced that it was making settlements a priority, and made a concerted effort to accelerate the pace of the payouts.

Ed Bell is a South Carolina-based attorney who spearheaded the charge to pass the law. He’s been an attorney for 44 years, and for half of that time has been fighting for justice for the Camp Lejeune victims. He’s the lead counsel on the case, helping victims to get the payouts they’re owed.

«A lot of these people have been waiting a long time, and quite frankly, I think a lot of them are relieved,» Bell told Digital. «A lot of them feel like the government has finally said, ‘we’re sorry,’ by helping with the settlements, so I think it’s very positive.»

Bell estimates that about 300,000 claims will eventually be paid out, acknowledging that there’s a long way to go to completely remedy the wrong that was done.

But he was complimentary of the team of people in the Trump administration dedicated to justice.

«I have to say, I’m very bullish on what the Department of Justice has been doing,» he said, noting that he works closely with Associate Attorney General Stanley Woodward, who he says is «working his tail off» on the settlements.

RARE CANCER CASES STRIKE IN CALIFORNIA COMMUNITY AS FAMILIES DEMAND ANSWERS

«[Woodward] is excellent, but you have to remember, this case and any resolution involves hundreds and hundreds of details, and it is a laborious process,» Bell said. «I am pleased to work with [the DOJ], and I think that eventually we’ll get this resolved. I think that’s the intent of the Department of Justice.»

MILITARY FAMILIES DEMAND DOJ DISTRIBUTE NEARLY $800M FROM FRENCH CEMENT COMPANY FOUND GUILTY OF BRIBING ISIS

Bell, who took his first case on the Camp Lejeune drinking water contamination in 2007, explained that each settlement is based on the level of harm caused to the victim. So, he explained, someone diagnosed with stage one cancer would ultimately be paid out less than someone who had stage four cancer.

«It’s a fair system,» Bell said.

Between 1953 and 1987, three of the base’s eight water systems contained contaminated water.

Bell said that even after the government found out the water was toxic, it did nothing, allowing troops to continue drinking the hazardous mix. Pregnant women drank the water, leading to the death of their babies. The contamination was found to cause four incurable diseases, according to Bell.

The Justice Department and the Department of the Navy launched the «Elective Option» settlement program in 2023.

That program is designed as an alternative to litigation and offers quicker payouts to people with qualifying illnesses.

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