INTERNACIONAL
‘Vast majority’ of Iran’s attempted attacks on Strait of Hormuz are unsuccessful, CENTCOM spokesman says
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The «vast majority» of Iran’s attempted attacks on shipping in the Strait of Hormuz are «unsuccessful» as the key waterway remains open for transit, U.S. Central Command spokesperson and U.S. Navy Capt. Tim Hawkins told Fox News Digital this week.
Hawkins spoke after CENTCOM said the GFS Pride, a Singapore-flagged, Cyprus-owned container ship was hit by an Iranian projectile in the Strait of Hormuz Wednesday and sunk while being towed ashore due to a fire on board the ship.
«The vast majority of Iran’s attempted attacks on innocent civilian mariners transiting an international waterway, being the Strait of Hormuz, they are unsuccessful,» Hawkins said.
«As a matter of fact, the U.S. military has assisted in providing coordinated protection for thousands of ships that have safely transited.
LIVE UPDATES: IRANIAN ARMY SPOKESPERSON SAYS STRAIT OF HORMUZ WILL REOPEN ‘IF AMERICA LEAVES THE REGION’
«That translates to about 97% of the ships that have sought to transit the Strait of Hormuz have done so successfully without being hit by an Iranian projectile.
«But let’s be clear here. What the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps of Iran is doing is unjustified, and it’s also unsuccessful because they are not achieving their objective of closing the Strait of Hormuz,» he added.
«It is open, it is available for transit and we’ve seen that transit continue this very day.»
An MH-60R Sea Hawk helicopter lands on the flight deck of the USS Rafael Peralta as it transits regional waters, in this photo released by U.S. Central Command Oct. 15, 2026. (CENTCOM)
In an update Friday from CENTCOM Commander Adm. Brad Cooper, he said, «In recent days and months, we have seen the IRGC continually attack merchant ships transiting the Strait of Hormuz, and, in many cases, kill innocent civilian mariners.
«The International Maritime Organization reports that more than 20 civilian mariners have been killed by Iran’s attacks against commercial shipping since February,» Cooper continued.
«Over the last seven days alone, about 400 merchant ships have sailed through the Strait. U.S. forces have also assisted Gulf partners in shipping over 100 million barrels of crude oil during the same period, adding to the more than 1.3 billion barrels of crude we have helped regional allies ship through the Strait in recent months.»
Hawkins also told Fox News Digital he thinks «every American should be proud of American service members who are serving in the Middle East, in particular focusing on doing two things at once as it relates to Iran.
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Vessels in the Strait of Hormuz near Musandam, Oman, Oct. 2, 2026. (Reuters)
«And one is helping maintain flow through the Strait of Hormuz in the form of commercial vessels despite Iran’s unjustified aggression,» Hawkins said, noting that thousands of ships have crossed through the waterway over the last few months, «in addition to more than 1 billion barrels of crude oil.
«At the same time that they are encouraging traffic flow in support of international shipping, they are maintaining a steel wall blockade against Iran. There have been no exports or imports to Iran without U.S. permission in the form of allowing humanitarian ships to go through,» Hawkins continued.
«So, that shows the precision, dedication and professionalism of our troops who are executing this complex mission — not just one — but two at the same time.»
More than 50,000 U.S. service members are stationed across the Middle East, according to Hawkins.
A U.S. Air Force F-15E Strike Eagle is refueled by a KC-135 Stratotanker while patrolling the skies over the Middle East, according to CENTCOM, in this image released on Oct. 2, 2026. (CENTCOM)
«They are highly vigilant, they are highly dedicated and they’re serving with courage and bravery. And they’re doing so alongside our regional allies and partners. It shouldn’t be forgotten that we continue to stand shoulder to shoulder with our Gulf allies and partners to help them defend their airspace from unjustified and unwarranted attacks from Iran, and we have been highly successful in working together. And will continue to do that,» he said.
Fox News’ Liz Friden contributed to this report.
war with iran, military, iran, us navy, middle east, world
A dark chapter in the family history of Minnesota Democratic Senate candidate Peggy Flanagan has made its way into the race, but it is unclear whether voters will hold the alleged sins of her long-dead grandfather against her.
Earlier this week, Alpha News revealed the troubled mental health history of Flanagan’s grandfather, John Jacob Hartmann, supported by old newspaper accounts and court records. He spent decades in psychiatric custody, escaped twice and was suspected in multiple killings, though never charged.
The reporting comes just weeks before the midterm elections, in which Flanagan, the state’s lieutenant governor, faces former television sports reporter Michelle Tafoya in a race to fill the seat of Democrat Tina Smith, who is retiring.
Neither Flanagan nor Tafoya has commented publicly on the matter since the decades-old allegations resurfaced. But the bizarre development has generated a buzz on social media.
Turning Point USA spokesman Andrew Kolvet highlighted the «violent mental illness in Minnesota Democrat Peggy Flanagan’s family,» in an X post, followed by a photo of Flanagan wearing a shirt that says «Protect trans kids.» and Dustin Grage, a columnist with Town Hall, wrote the report «adds up.»
Flanagan has frequently spoken about her upbringing, including being raised by a single mother who relied on SNAP benefits and housing assistance, and the influence of her indigenous father, a tribal land rights activist who helped inspire her own advocacy for Native American communities.
But a lesser-known part of her family history involves Hartmann, who made headlines in Minneapolis newspapers throughout the 1970s and early 1980s for his time in psychiatric hospitals, his escapes and allegations linking him to at least four killings, which was dredged up by Minnesota-based outlet Alpha News.
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Flanagan was three years old when Hartmann died on Feb. 6, 1983. A Minnesota Star Tribune death notice listed Flanagan’s mother, Patricia Hartmann, and her three sisters — Kathleen, Mary and Margaret — as his surviving daughters. An obituary for Patricia, who died in 2022, listed her maiden name as Hartmann and identified her father as John.
In an interview with Minnesota Women’s Press, Flanagan said both her mother and grandmother were single mothers. She described her grandmother as having raised four daughters «at a time when that didn’t happen a lot.» Flanagan’s mother eventually married Thomas Flanagan, who is identified as Peggy Flanagan’s stepfather in his obituary.
In a Feb. 9, 1983 article announcing Hartmann’s death, the newspaper now known as The Minnesota Star Tribune stated that he was committed on Nov. 1, 1951 after his wife filed a petition claiming that he was «mentally ill and dangerous.» His commitment came after the body of a man named Theodore Foth was found burning in his room, although Hartmann was never charged in Foth’s death. The paper also named Hartmann as a suspect in a 1964 murder of a fellow patient at the Minnesota Security Hospital, but he was never charged.
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Hartmann was transferred to Anoka State Hospital in 1970, but escaped to New Mexico, where the newspaper reported he was suspected in the deaths of a man and woman. However, a 1973 Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals ruling does not mention the alleged murder allegations against Hartmann. Instead, the ruling stated New Mexico authorities picked up Hartmann from a warrant issued by Minnesota Probate Judge Melvin Peterson in September 1970. The authorities found that he was living in the state «without incident and without hiding his identity following his escape in Minnesota.» A special prosecutor later released Hartmann, finding that he was «sane and safe to be at large.»
Hartmann was apprehended in Colorado for a misdemeanor charge the next year and brought back to Minnesota.
In April 1979, Hartmann failed to return from a visit pass at the Minnesota Security Hospital and fled to Missouri, where he allegedly threatened U.S. District Judge Miles Welton Lord during a phone call. Lord presided over Hartmann’s earlier federal challenge to his involuntary return from Colorado to Minnesota and initially dismissed claims against several Minnesota officials. Hartmann was charged by federal authorities for the alleged threat, according to a 1979 Star Tribune article.
Digital reached out to Flanagan’s campaign for comment.
politics, minnesota, minneapolis st paul, cold case, elections
INTERNACIONAL
La pizza como termómetro de la crisis cubana: cuando una comida puede costar la mitad del salario mensual
La pizza dejó de ser una comida accesible en Cuba: en 2026, su precio va de 100 CUP (USD 0,13) en puestos de provincia a más de 7,000 CUP (más de USD 8.77) en restaurantes privados de La Habana, una diferencia que expone la pérdida de poder adquisitivo frente al costo de los alimentos.
En Holguín, una pizza sencilla se vende por 100 CUP (USD 0,13) o 150 CUP (USD 0,19), mientras que en Camagüey y Ciego de Ávila los valores oscilan entre 180 CUP (USD 0,23) y 200 CUP (USD 0,25). Los precios relevados por CiberCuba muestran que la misma comida puede costar hasta 70 veces más según la ciudad y el tipo de establecimiento.
La Habana concentra algunos de los mayores aumentos. Los puestos callejeros cobran entre 300 CUP (USD 0.38) y 400 CUP (USD 0.50), y en el Paradero de Playa el precio pasó de 250 CUP (USD 0.31) a fines de 2025 a 400 CUP (USD 0.50) en junio, un incremento del 60% en menos de tres meses.
En restaurantes privados, una pizza del Hotel E Velasco y Louvre cuesta 1.000 CUP (USD 1,25). Los ingredientes adicionales pueden sumar entre 200 CUP (USD 0,25) y 500 CUP (USD 0,63), mientras que en otros establecimientos el precio llega a ubicarse entre 6.000 CUP (USD 7,52) y 7.000 CUP (USD 8,77).
En septiembre, tres pizzas adquiridas en un negocio privado costaron cerca de 7.700 CUP (USD 9,65), equivalentes a unos 2.567 CUP (USD 3,22) por unidad. El gasto representa una parte considerable de los ingresos de quienes cobran salarios en pesos cubanos.
Salarios que no alcanzan para una comida fuera de casa
El salario medio mensual se estima en 6.930 CUP (USD 8,68), mientras que el mínimo se ubica entre 2.100 CUP (USD 2,63) y 2.200 CUP (USD 2.76). Una pizza de restaurante puede absorber entre 14% y 47% del ingreso mensual de un trabajador, según el precio elegido.
Una cubana registró en julio una salida familiar que incluyó camarones, ropa vieja, cerdo y pizzas para llevar. La cuenta ascendió a 20.000 CUP (USD 25.06), una suma equivalente a cuatro meses de su salario.
El encarecimiento se relaciona con el costo de los insumos y la depreciación del peso cubano frente al dólar. Un saco de harina llegó a costar 45.000 CUP (USD 56.39) en 2026, mientras que la cotización informal de la divisa estadounidense alcanzó 780 CUP por USD 1 en octubre, con impacto sobre el queso, los embutidos y el aceite importados.
La inflación interanual oficial alcanzó 25,19% en agosto. El aumento fue mayor en alimentos y bebidas no alcohólicas, donde llegó a 36,01% durante el mismo mes.
Los valores tampoco bajan en eventos y espacios públicos. En el festival Pa’Cuba, realizado en el Acuario Nacional, una pizza costó 1.350 CUP (USD 1,69), mientras que un puesto estatal de una playa popular de Las Tunas la ofrecía por unos 300 CUP (USD 0,38).
La diferencia también atraviesa a los consumidores extranjeros: en restaurantes turísticos de La Habana, una pizza italiana puede costar entre USD 14 y USD 22. Esa oferta convive con una economía cotidiana dominada por los pagos en CUP.
Los obstáculos de quienes elaboran pizzas
La presión de los costos también alcanza a quienes producen y venden el alimento. “Tenemos que justificar, eh, la harina, tenemos que justificar las cosas y como todo cubano”, dijo un pizzero cubano en declaraciones recogidas por Diario de Cuba.
El trabajador reclamó una mayor disponibilidad de recursos para desarrollar su actividad: “Un poco más de libertad, diría yo, de que los recursos se democratizasen en gran medida para uno poder avanzar. De lo contrario, todos tenemos que estar inventando, dando cabezazos”.
El pizzero sostuvo que la forma en que se ha organizado la actividad no dio resultado. “Carbono es lo que tenemos. Ni hablar de eso. Nos afectan en todo, nos limitan todo. Nos enseñaron a no trabajar”, afirmó.
También planteó que una mayor responsabilidad individual tendría consecuencias económicas: “Es que si en Cuba se trabajara y cada quien hiciera las cosas que tiene que hacer, oye, cien por ciento estuviéramos mejor”.
Durante décadas, la pizza fue una alternativa barata para cubanos de bajos ingresos y se mantuvo como opción de comida callejera incluso durante el período especial de los años 90.
acuarela,comida callejera,puesto de comida,menú
ALEXANDRIA, Va. — On South Washington Street, 26-year-old environmental engineer Nayely Cruz Hernandez had a straightforward message for voters as she joined a phalanx of protesters lining the street for nationwide «No Kings» protests against President Donald Trump: «Vote blue.»
«We got to take the power away from Trump, from the Republicans,» Hernandez told Digital. «So we got to win the House, we got to win the Senate, not only in Virginia, but across the country.»
Standing beside her boyfriend, Noah Schwarzott, 25, their 13-year-old Maltese-poodle, Maybellene, in her arms, Hernandez acknowledged that national No Kings organizers had their own rules for the protests to be «nonpartisan,» but she wasn’t following orders.
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«The No King … organizers can say whatever,» she said. «But I’m saying vote blue, because why are we here? Who’s in the House? Who’s in the Senate? Who is the President? It’s red, it’s Republicans, and it’s Trump.»
A Digital investigation documented about 300 organizations with $2.5 billion in combined annual revenues behind the «No Kings» protest network, including Democratic-aligned advocacy groups, major labor unions and nonprofits including MoveOn, the American Federation of Teachers and the ACLU.
Cruz Hernandez ended by introducing Maybellene and declaring that the dog was «telling you to vote for Don Beyer,» a Democratic member of Congress who represents Alexandria, Arlington and other Northern Virginia communities.
The national organizers’ position is that the Oct. 17 events must be «nonpartisan.» That’s to comply with the federal laws that regulate the nonprofits that fund the No Kings protests.
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Her comments directly contradicted the written instructions of the national «No Kings» organization and its leaders at the Indivisible nonprofit, prohibiting calls to «vote Blue,» elect Democrats or endorse candidates and target individuals.
Nearby, a man held a sign by a far-left group called «Refuse Fascism» with another message defying the organizers’ guidance: «TRUMP MUST GO NOW!» Another man held an inflatable balloon mocking Trump as a baby in a diaper. Another sign said «86 47,» the controversial message former FBI Director James Comey posted on social media and which federal prosecutors deemed an overt threat against Trump.
As the young couple cheered honking cars, Eunic Epstein-Ortiz, national spokesperson for No Kings, called Digital to insist «No Kings» is a «nonpartisan, peaceful movement that has brought millions of Americans together to stand up for democracy, defend our freedoms, and reject authoritarianism.»
DAVID MARCUS: AS DEMOCRATS PROTEST IN DALLAS, CONSERVATIVES ARE QUIET AND CAUTIOUS
Told that a DIgital investigation found «No Kings» events from Maine to Oregon were clearly partisan, Epstein-Ortiz said, «We are aware of partisan events circulating online that are not affiliated with or officially organized by No Kings. Many people utilize the No Kings name as a rallying cry.»
But, in this case, the protest on South Washington Street was an official «No Kings» event, advertised on the organizers’ official website.
Among the demonstrators, one woman beamed while waving a sign that was explicit about the protest’s agenda: «THE USA Needs a Big Beautiful BLUE WAVE.»
But hours after the Alexandria demonstration, Digital encountered another protester marching on H Street NW by the White House who openly rejected the nonpartisan description. She marched at an official «No Kings» event.
Nadine Seiler, a self-described «professional protester» recently mentioned by Trump, was asked whether she agreed with organizers’ insistence that the demonstration was nonpartisan.
«No, no, the people who agree with Trump are not out here,» Seiler responded from behind an inflatable costume. «So it’s never gonna be non-partisan if it’s a resistance to the fascist regime.»
«They can pretend, but it’s not,» she added.
Asked directly whether the event was partisan, Seiler answered: «Yes, this is a partisan protest.»
She explained that participants were resisting what she described as illegal policies of the Trump administration.
«Yeah, so this is as partisan as you can get,» she concluded.
The exchanges offer a ground-level perspective on the political character of a movement whose organizers have gone to considerable lengths to insist its voter-mobilization activities are «nonpartisan.»
FIRST ON FOX: ‘NO KINGS’ PROTEST NETWORK BEHIND FIGHT AGAINST AI DATA CENTERS AND FLOCK CAMERAS
«No Kings» has distributed detailed election-law guidance prohibiting partisan slogans, campaign materials, candidate endorsements and coordination with political parties.
Yet the movement’s own leadership has openly discussed its broader Democratic electoral objectives.
During an Oct. 15 livestream, Indivisible co-founder Ezra Levin contrasted the parties’ candidates.
«Our candidates are quite good all around the country. Their candidates are quite trash all over the country,» Levin said.
In an Oct. 9 webinar, Levin explained how activists could criticize Trump while avoiding explicit Democratic endorsements.
«Uh, you’ve got to let people connect the dots on that one,» he said.
Indivisible co-founder Leah Greenberg, meanwhile, described No Kings as a «nonpartisan coalition» intended to welcome participants across the political spectrum.
The distinction matters legally. Individual protesters expressing partisan opinions don’t automatically establish that event organizers violated election law. Tax-exempt charities also face restrictions different from those governing political advocacy groups. In yet another sign, a protester again targeted Trump, writing, «EVERY DAY I HATE HIM MORE THAN I DID THE DAY BEFORE.» Another sign read: «NO CROWN FOR THE CLOWN.»
From northern Virginia to the White House, participants were making no effort to conceal their political preferences.
For Seiler, the description was simple: «This is as partisan as you can get.»
Digital’s Reagan Schroeder and Tessa Hoyos contributed to this report.
politics, us protests, donald trump, midterm elections
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