INTERNACIONAL
‘Did you call 911?’ Tuberville recounts Graham’s frantic final phone call
A closer look at the ‘aortic dissection’ that killed Sen. Lindsey Graham
Fox News Senior Medical Analyst Dr. Marc Siegel clarifies Sen. Lindsey Graham’s preliminary cause of death: a ruptured aorta due to cardiovascular disease. Siegel thoroughly explains the rare condition of aortic dissection and discusses common risk factors like high blood pressure and plaque. He advises on preventative health measures and regular check-ups, emphasizing what Graham would want people to consider their health.
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A Senate Republican added further detail to the late Sen. Lindsey Graham’s, R-S.C., final moments thanks to an unlikely connection.
Sen. Tommy Tuberville, R-Ala., revealed that it was a former member of his staff that called for medical assistance to aid Graham over the weekend, who died suddenly just after his return from an overseas trip.
«My former scheduler was Lindsey’s scheduler, and one of my staff members was with that scheduler the night Lindsey called,» Tuberville told reporters. «He called [and] basically said, ‘Listen, I’m having chest pains. You know, I need to do something.’ ‘Did you call 911?’ And he goes, ‘No, that’s the reason I called you.’»
GRAHAM REPORTEDLY REFUSED MEDICAL HELP BEFORE SCHEDULED TV APPEARANCE
Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., stands at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C. (Aaron Schwartz/Bloomberg via Getty Images)
«And so she called 911 … By the time she got there, 911 had knocked the door down, and they were working on him,» he continued.
A preliminary cause of death was revealed Sunday evening. His office said that the longtime lawmaker had died from «aortic dissection due to arteriosclerotic cardiovascular disease.»
Aortic dissection is when a tear occurs in the inner wall of the aorta, the body’s main artery, and is a life-threatening medical emergency.
«Lindsey basically worked himself to death, most of us have families, he didn’t have any family,» Tuberville said. «And if we had a couple of days off, he went to that airport, and he went somewhere to try to work out something for our country.»
LINDSEY GRAHAM’S SISTER APPOINTED TO SENATE AS GOP RUSHES TO PROTECT FRAGILE MAJORITY
Axios reported that in one of Graham’s final conversations, he told an unnamed source that he was feeling unwell but wanted to wait until after his scheduled appearance on NBC’s «Meet the Press» to seek medical attention.
«I can’t die now. I still need to do the Russia sanctions, get Iran sorted out and do Israeli-Saudi normalization,» Graham said.
His death has rocked the Senate, where emotional tributes rolled in throughout the day on Monday, the upper chamber’s first day back in Washington, D.C., since recessing for the Fourth of July.
GRAHAM’S DEATH IGNITES GOP SCRAMBLE FOR SENATE SEAT AS TRUMP HINTS HE ALREADY HAS A FAVORITE
Sen. Tommy Tuberville, R-Ala., speaks to reporters as he returns to his office at the U.S. Capitol on Feb. 10, 2026, in Washington, D.C. (Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images)
Graham’s desk in the Senate, which is where the late Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., his close friend, once sat, was draped with a black veil and a glass bowl of sharp white roses atop it.
Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., in an emotional tribute to the late lawmaker, said that the «halls of the Senate already feel empty without him.»
«I am comforted by the knowledge that, in the end, he has just changed his address. And that one day, Mr. President,» Thune said through tears. «We will laugh together again.»
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Graham will be succeeded, temporarily, by his sister, Darline Graham Nordone. She is slated to be sworn in to the position on Tuesday after being tapped by South Carolina Gov. Henry McMaster to fill in for her late brother.
«I think this is what Lindsey would have wanted, and I plan to honor him in this way,» Nordone said during the ceremony in Columbia, South Carolina. «Now to Lindsey, I miss you more than I can even put into words. But I’m going to do this, I got it.»
politics, lindsey graham, senate elections, john thune, health
INTERNACIONAL
Cámaras corporales para policías encabezan tres nuevas contrataciones en materia de seguridad en Panamá
El Gobierno de Panamá autorizó el inicio de tres procesos de precalificación para futuras contrataciones vinculadas a la seguridad pública, que abarcan desde la adquisición de cámaras corporales para los estamentos de seguridad hasta la modernización del Centro de Operación Nacional (CON C5) y un nuevo sistema para la emisión de documentos de identidad del Servicio Nacional de Migración.
Más allá del alcance tecnológico de los proyectos, las tres resoluciones comparten una característica que limitará el acceso a información clave de las contrataciones: los pliegos de cargos permanecerán bajo confidencialidad.
Las resoluciones de gabinete, publicadas este lunes en la Gaceta Oficial, autorizan tanto la precalificación de los proponentes como la reserva de los pliegos de precalificación y del futuro acto público, amparándose en el numeral 13 del artículo treinta y nueve de la Ley 22 de Contrataciones Públicas, que permite declarar confidenciales las adquisiciones sensitivas relacionadas con la seguridad y defensa del Estado cuando hayan sido previamente autorizadas por el Consejo de Gabinete.
Aunque la legislación contempla esta figura para proyectos considerados estratégicos, la decisión implica que el contenido de los pliegos de cargos —documentos donde normalmente se detallan las especificaciones técnicas, los criterios de evaluación, los requisitos de participación y buena parte de las condiciones de contratación— no estará disponible para consulta pública.
Solo las empresas autorizadas, previa firma de acuerdos de confidencialidad, podrán acceder a esa información mediante el sistema PanamaCompra.
El primero de los proyectos corresponde al suministro, implementación y gestión de cámaras corporales (bodycam) y de un sistema de evidencia digital para los estamentos de seguridad pública. L
a iniciativa busca fortalecer la capacidad operativa de la Fuerza Pública mediante un sistema integral de registro audiovisual, en cumplimiento de la Ley 466 de 2025, que hizo obligatorio el uso de estos dispositivos por parte de la Policía Nacional y estableció su marco regulatorio.
Según la resolución, el sistema permitirá registrar actuaciones policiales durante patrullajes, investigaciones, operativos, controles de tránsito, mediaciones, cumplimiento de órdenes judiciales y otras intervenciones.
Además, deberá administrar toda la evidencia digital generada por esas grabaciones, considerada un elemento fundamental para investigaciones penales, procesos administrativos y actuaciones disciplinarias.
El documento también precisa que la contratación no se limitará al suministro de las cámaras, sino que incluirá una plataforma tecnológica para almacenar, custodiar y gestionar las grabaciones, garantizando la preservación de la evidencia y su trazabilidad.
El Gobierno sostiene que divulgar detalles técnicos como la arquitectura del software, los métodos de comunicación, los puertos de conexión o las especificaciones de la plataforma podría comprometer la seguridad institucional y facilitar ataques cibernéticos.
Asimismo, recuerda que la Ley 466 fue creada para aumentar la transparencia de las actuaciones policiales, fortalecer la protección tanto de los ciudadanos como de los agentes y generar evidencia objetiva durante las intervenciones.
La nueva contratación, señala la resolución, busca dotar a los estamentos de seguridad de una solución tecnológica integral que permita cumplir plenamente con ese marco legal.
El segundo proceso está dirigido a la modernización del Centro de Operación Nacional (CON C5), plataforma encargada del monitoreo y la videovigilancia.
La contratación comprende el suministro, instalación, actualización, soporte y mantenimiento de la infraestructura tecnológica con el objetivo de incorporar analítica avanzada e inteligencia artificial para ampliar la cobertura de vigilancia e integrar la información entre las distintas instituciones de seguridad.
La resolución hace un recuento de la evolución del sistema de videovigilancia en Panamá y recuerda que la Policía Nacional comenzó a utilizar esta tecnología en 2007, inicialmente en las zonas con mayor incidencia delictiva de las provincias de Panamá y Colón.
Sin embargo, sostiene que las nuevas amenazas obligan al Estado a evolucionar hacia un modelo de vigilancia más proactivo y predictivo, apoyado en inteligencia artificial y herramientas de análisis automatizado.
El Ejecutivo plantea que la nueva plataforma permitirá mejorar la interoperabilidad entre las distintas instituciones de seguridad y convertir la tecnología en un “multiplicador de fuerza» para enfrentar delitos como robos, asaltos, crimen organizado, narcotráfico y hechos de violencia.
El objetivo, añade el documento, es que el CON C5 opere bajo estándares internacionales de eficiencia, precisión y velocidad de respuesta.
Al igual que en el proyecto de las cámaras corporales, el Gobierno argumenta que mantener en reserva la información técnica busca proteger capacidades operativas, evitar que se comprometa la integridad del personal policial y preservar la eficacia de las herramientas tecnológicas que utilizarán los organismos de seguridad.
La tercera contratación está orientada al Servicio Nacional de Migración. En este caso se prevé el suministro, instalación, soporte y mantenimiento, por cinco años, de un sistema de personalización y emisión de documentos de identidad que será instalado en la sede principal de la institución.
La resolución explica que el objetivo es reemplazar el sistema actualmente utilizado para producir carnés de residencia, permisos de trabajo y otros documentos migratorios, el cual enfrenta nuevas exigencias derivadas de la evolución de los estándares internacionales de seguridad documental y de las crecientes técnicas de falsificación.
Entre las mejoras previstas se encuentran la incorporación de laminados de alta seguridad, elementos holográficos y otros mecanismos físicos y tecnológicos destinados a reforzar la autenticidad, integridad y trazabilidad de los documentos emitidos por la institución.
El Gobierno también advierte que la falta de contratos adecuados de mantenimiento representa un riesgo para la continuidad del servicio, razón por la cual la contratación incluye soporte técnico durante cinco años.
El documento añade que el sistema busca garantizar la confiabilidad institucional y reducir la exposición a fraudes documentales que puedan afectar el control migratorio y la seguridad nacional, considerando que estos documentos constituyen piezas críticas dentro del ecosistema de identificación del Estado panameño.
En los tres proyectos, el procedimiento comenzará con una etapa de precalificación en la que se evaluará la capacidad administrativa, financiera, técnica y los antecedentes legales de las empresas interesadas. Solo los proponentes que superen ese filtro podrán participar posteriormente en el acto público de selección del contratista.
Las tres resoluciones fueron aprobadas el mismo día por el Consejo de Gabinete y siguen prácticamente la misma estructura jurídica: autorizan la precalificación de empresas, declaran confidenciales los pliegos de cargos y justifican la reserva por razones de seguridad nacional, protección de capacidades operativas y prevención del uso indebido de información técnica especializada.
La utilización de este mecanismo se ha vuelto cada vez más frecuente durante la actual administración en las adquisiciones relacionadas con seguridad.
Aunque la normativa permite este tipo de procedimientos para compras sensitivas, su aplicación reduce el nivel de escrutinio ciudadano sobre aspectos esenciales de las contrataciones, como las especificaciones técnicas, los criterios utilizados para seleccionar a los oferentes y las condiciones bajo las cuales se adjudicarán proyectos que, por su complejidad tecnológica y su importancia estratégica, podrían representar inversiones de alto valor para el Estado.
policía,cámara corporal,uniforme,seguridad,agente,vigilancia
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In 2015, Sen. Lindsey Graham called Donald Trump a «jackass» and warned Republicans that nominating him would be a disaster. Trump responded by reading Graham’s personal cellphone number aloud during a campaign rally, encouraging supporters to call the South Carolina senator.
Few political rivalries seemed less likely to evolve into one of Washington’s most consequential foreign policy partnerships.
Trump rose to power promising to end America’s «endless wars» and challenging decades of Republican foreign policy orthodoxy. Graham, by contrast, remained throughout his three decades in public service an unabashed advocate of projecting American power abroad.
FROM ‘DISGRACE’ TO ‘FAMILY’: TRUMP’S REMARKABLE JOURNEY WITH LINDSEY GRAHAM
Yet over the next decade, Graham became one of the few lawmakers with regular access to President Trump on questions of national security, emerging as one of the Republican Party’s most influential voices on Iran, Ukraine, Israel and NATO.
Sen. Lindsey Graham, Republican of South Carolina, speaks with reporters aboard Air Force One with President Donald Trump and Secretary of Commerce Howard Lutnick on the way back to Washington, D.C., on Jan. 4, 2026. (Jim Watson/AFP via Getty Images)
He had built his Senate career around foreign policy. While many lawmakers spent weekends back home, Graham was often overseas meeting presidents, visiting war zones and trying to broker agreements between allies and the White House.
By the end of his career, his office had become an unofficial waypoint for foreign leaders trying to understand — or influence — the Trump administration.
In interviews following the senator’s sudden death Saturday, Trump described Graham as «like a member of the family» and said he was among the final people to speak with the South Carolina Republican after he returned from Ukraine just hours before his death.
As Trump reshaped Republican foreign policy around an «America First» agenda, Graham became one of the few congressional voices with regular access to the president on questions of war and peace. He frequently pressed Trump to maintain a muscular U.S. role abroad — even as the president questioned long-standing alliances and warned against prolonged military interventions.
Donald Trump and Lindsey Graham pose for a picture on a golf course June 28, 2025. (Sen. Lindsey Graham via X)
Rather than becoming another Republican hawk sidelined by Trump’s ascent, Graham cultivated one of the closest working relationships with the president, giving him unusual influence as the administration navigated conflicts from Ukraine and Iran to Israel and NATO.
Whether Graham simply reinforced Trump’s instincts — or helped shape them — may become one of the defining questions of his foreign policy legacy.
GRAHAM REPORTEDLY REFUSED MEDICAL HELP BEFORE SCHEDULED TV APPEARANCE
«He would call me all the time,» Trump told Fox News Monday. «I’d say, ‘Stop calling me, Lindsey.’ It was amazing. He just never stopped. He was a worker — a total workaholic politician.»
Colleagues said Graham lived and breathed the work of the Senate, particularly serving as an informal envoy between the U.S. and allies around the world.
In the hours before his death, Graham told a confidant he wasn’t feeling well but joked he couldn’t die now because he still had work to do. He was preparing to push a long-stalled bipartisan Russia sanctions bill through the Senate, remained focused on advancing Saudi-Israel normalization and believed the Trump administration had not yet finished confronting Iran.
He had just completed his 10th trip to Ukraine, and maintained tight relationships not only with President Volodymyr Zelenskyy but also with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte, Gulf leaders and others around the world.
Graham believed that influence came from showing up, according to Jack Keane, a retired Army four-star general, the chairman of the Institute for the Study of War and Fox News Senior Strategic Analyst.
«He wasn’t interested in writing op-ed pieces or making speeches, he wanted firsthand contact with leaders of the world.» Keane, who counted Graham as a friend, told Fox News Digital. «He was interested in getting the results.»
Graham, upon being beaten by Trump in the 2016 primary, conceded that the then-real estate mogul understood the American public better than he did .
«He understood the American people better than we did, and shame on us for not doing it as effectively as him,» Graham said at the time, according to Keane.
So Graham went to work making himself useful for the president.
«Graham knew the world better than almost anyone in Washington, and he likely knew many foreign leaders better than President Trump’s own appointees,» Keane said. «He made a conscious decision to help the president by offering advice and counsel, which grew into both a personal and professional relationship.»
Graham’s worldview was shaped alongside late Sens. John McCain, R-Ariz., and Joe Lieberman, D-Conn., with whom he traveled extensively overseas. The trio —known as the «Three Amigos» — championed an interventionist Republican foreign policy rooted in American military leadership, support for democratic allies and confronting authoritarian adversaries.
Graham publicly disagreed with Trump over Iran negotiations — preferring strikes and regime change — and repeatedly pushed for a tougher line against Russia in the war on Ukraine.
Those convictions at times put him closer to traditional Republican foreign policy than to Trump’s «America First» instincts, even as he worked to remain one of the president’s closest advisors.
Trump’s approach to foreign policy often shifted between military confrontation and diplomatic restraint. Graham’s rarely did.
Sen. Lindsey Graham is pictured in Kyiv on June 10, one day before his passing. (Valentyn Ogirenko/Reuters)
Whenever Trump appeared to move toward a negotiated settlement with Iran, Graham followed a familiar playbook: remind the White House that Congress ultimately would have to review any lasting agreement.
After Trump announced a memorandum of understanding with Iran in June, Graham quickly argued that any lasting deal would require congressional scrutiny and even suggested Vice President JD Vance would ultimately have to defend it on Capitol Hill.
By the time of his death, Graham had fashioned exactly the role he wanted in Washington: trusted interlocutor between the White House, Congress and foreign leaders.
Sen. Amy Klobuchar, D-Minn., described Graham as having a «kid-like exuberance about his job and the responsibilities he was given.»
«Even in his sixties he would get off a plane in a foreign land with a twinkle in his eye and look at me as if to say, can you believe we are actually here and doing this?» she wrote on X.
Very rarely in life do you get to be exactly where you want to be, when you want to be there, with who you want to be with, doing precisely what you want to do — that was every moment for Lindsey,» White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller wrote on X.
«Lindsey was a senator’s senator. The job was everything to him. Truly did he believe in the splendor of the office and the noble lineage behind it, of which he was the worthy heir.»
Graham rarely seemed interested in winning an argument if it meant losing the president. He spent more than a year revising his long-stalled Russia sanctions legislation and negotiating with the White House as Trump pursued his own diplomatic outreach to Russian President Vladimir Putin. Only days before his death did Graham announce that he had reached an agreement with the administration to move the bill forward.
While Trump frequently questioned the value of NATO and demanded allies shoulder more of the burden, Graham viewed America’s alliances as one of its greatest strategic advantages. He generally agreed that European nations needed to spend more on defense, but argued the alliance itself remained indispensable to deterring Russia and projecting American power.
Graham’s support for Israel was equally central to his worldview. He regarded Israel as America’s closest partner in the Middle East and spent years working to strengthen ties between Israel and Arab states, viewing Saudi-Israeli normalization as a historic opportunity to reshape the region while further isolating Iran.
Graham spent a decade proving that in Washington, proximity to power could matter as much as formal authority. Without Graham in Washington, Ukraine now fears it may have lost an indispensable advocate in Washington.
«Huge and absolutely unexpected loss,» said Oleksandr Merezhko, a lawmaker with Zelenskyy’s party, told the AP. «He was truly indispensable. I even don’t know who might be as important for us now in Trump’s entourage.»
«He was the closest link between Ukraine, our president and Trump,» he added. «Our position in Trump’s entourage might be weaker.»
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It’s unclear who will be able to usher Graham’s signature Russia sanctions bill through the Senate and onto the president’s desk with the same access to both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue.
For now, the president will navigate wars in Ukraine and the Middle East without the friend who was never shy about telling him to hit harder.
lindsey graham, politics, foreign policy senate, donald trump, foreign policy
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