INTERNACIONAL
Trump’s fiercest GOP critic became his most influential voice on war and peace
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In 2015, Sen. Lindsey Graham called Donald Trump a «jackass» and warned Republicans that nominating him would be a disaster. Trump responded by reading Graham’s personal cellphone number aloud during a campaign rally, encouraging supporters to call the South Carolina senator.
Few political rivalries seemed less likely to evolve into one of Washington’s most consequential foreign policy partnerships.
Trump rose to power promising to end America’s «endless wars» and challenging decades of Republican foreign policy orthodoxy. Graham, by contrast, remained throughout his three decades in public service an unabashed advocate of projecting American power abroad.
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Yet over the next decade, Graham became one of the few lawmakers with regular access to President Trump on questions of national security, emerging as one of the Republican Party’s most influential voices on Iran, Ukraine, Israel and NATO.
Sen. Lindsey Graham, Republican of South Carolina, speaks with reporters aboard Air Force One with President Donald Trump and Secretary of Commerce Howard Lutnick on the way back to Washington, D.C., on Jan. 4, 2026. (Jim Watson/AFP via Getty Images)
He had built his Senate career around foreign policy. While many lawmakers spent weekends back home, Graham was often overseas meeting presidents, visiting war zones and trying to broker agreements between allies and the White House.
By the end of his career, his office had become an unofficial waypoint for foreign leaders trying to understand — or influence — the Trump administration.
In interviews following the senator’s sudden death Saturday, Trump described Graham as «like a member of the family» and said he was among the final people to speak with the South Carolina Republican after he returned from Ukraine just hours before his death.
As Trump reshaped Republican foreign policy around an «America First» agenda, Graham became one of the few congressional voices with regular access to the president on questions of war and peace. He frequently pressed Trump to maintain a muscular U.S. role abroad — even as the president questioned long-standing alliances and warned against prolonged military interventions.
Donald Trump and Lindsey Graham pose for a picture on a golf course June 28, 2025. (Sen. Lindsey Graham via X)
Rather than becoming another Republican hawk sidelined by Trump’s ascent, Graham cultivated one of the closest working relationships with the president, giving him unusual influence as the administration navigated conflicts from Ukraine and Iran to Israel and NATO.
Whether Graham simply reinforced Trump’s instincts — or helped shape them — may become one of the defining questions of his foreign policy legacy.
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«He would call me all the time,» Trump told Fox News Monday. «I’d say, ‘Stop calling me, Lindsey.’ It was amazing. He just never stopped. He was a worker — a total workaholic politician.»
Colleagues said Graham lived and breathed the work of the Senate, particularly serving as an informal envoy between the U.S. and allies around the world.
In the hours before his death, Graham told a confidant he wasn’t feeling well but joked he couldn’t die now because he still had work to do. He was preparing to push a long-stalled bipartisan Russia sanctions bill through the Senate, remained focused on advancing Saudi-Israel normalization and believed the Trump administration had not yet finished confronting Iran.
He had just completed his 10th trip to Ukraine, and maintained tight relationships not only with President Volodymyr Zelenskyy but also with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte, Gulf leaders and others around the world.
Graham believed that influence came from showing up, according to Jack Keane, a retired Army four-star general, the chairman of the Institute for the Study of War and Fox News Senior Strategic Analyst.
«He wasn’t interested in writing op-ed pieces or making speeches, he wanted firsthand contact with leaders of the world.» Keane, who counted Graham as a friend, told Fox News Digital. «He was interested in getting the results.»
Graham, upon being beaten by Trump in the 2016 primary, conceded that the then-real estate mogul understood the American public better than he did .
«He understood the American people better than we did, and shame on us for not doing it as effectively as him,» Graham said at the time, according to Keane.
So Graham went to work making himself useful for the president.
«Graham knew the world better than almost anyone in Washington, and he likely knew many foreign leaders better than President Trump’s own appointees,» Keane said. «He made a conscious decision to help the president by offering advice and counsel, which grew into both a personal and professional relationship.»
Graham’s worldview was shaped alongside late Sens. John McCain, R-Ariz., and Joe Lieberman, D-Conn., with whom he traveled extensively overseas. The trio —known as the «Three Amigos» — championed an interventionist Republican foreign policy rooted in American military leadership, support for democratic allies and confronting authoritarian adversaries.
Graham publicly disagreed with Trump over Iran negotiations — preferring strikes and regime change — and repeatedly pushed for a tougher line against Russia in the war on Ukraine.
Those convictions at times put him closer to traditional Republican foreign policy than to Trump’s «America First» instincts, even as he worked to remain one of the president’s closest advisors.
Trump’s approach to foreign policy often shifted between military confrontation and diplomatic restraint. Graham’s rarely did.
Sen. Lindsey Graham is pictured in Kyiv on June 10, one day before his passing. (Valentyn Ogirenko/Reuters)
Whenever Trump appeared to move toward a negotiated settlement with Iran, Graham followed a familiar playbook: remind the White House that Congress ultimately would have to review any lasting agreement.
After Trump announced a memorandum of understanding with Iran in June, Graham quickly argued that any lasting deal would require congressional scrutiny and even suggested Vice President JD Vance would ultimately have to defend it on Capitol Hill.
By the time of his death, Graham had fashioned exactly the role he wanted in Washington: trusted interlocutor between the White House, Congress and foreign leaders.
Sen. Amy Klobuchar, D-Minn., described Graham as having a «kid-like exuberance about his job and the responsibilities he was given.»
«Even in his sixties he would get off a plane in a foreign land with a twinkle in his eye and look at me as if to say, can you believe we are actually here and doing this?» she wrote on X.
Very rarely in life do you get to be exactly where you want to be, when you want to be there, with who you want to be with, doing precisely what you want to do — that was every moment for Lindsey,» White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller wrote on X.
«Lindsey was a senator’s senator. The job was everything to him. Truly did he believe in the splendor of the office and the noble lineage behind it, of which he was the worthy heir.»
Graham rarely seemed interested in winning an argument if it meant losing the president. He spent more than a year revising his long-stalled Russia sanctions legislation and negotiating with the White House as Trump pursued his own diplomatic outreach to Russian President Vladimir Putin. Only days before his death did Graham announce that he had reached an agreement with the administration to move the bill forward.
While Trump frequently questioned the value of NATO and demanded allies shoulder more of the burden, Graham viewed America’s alliances as one of its greatest strategic advantages. He generally agreed that European nations needed to spend more on defense, but argued the alliance itself remained indispensable to deterring Russia and projecting American power.
Graham’s support for Israel was equally central to his worldview. He regarded Israel as America’s closest partner in the Middle East and spent years working to strengthen ties between Israel and Arab states, viewing Saudi-Israeli normalization as a historic opportunity to reshape the region while further isolating Iran.
Graham spent a decade proving that in Washington, proximity to power could matter as much as formal authority. Without Graham in Washington, Ukraine now fears it may have lost an indispensable advocate in Washington.
«Huge and absolutely unexpected loss,» said Oleksandr Merezhko, a lawmaker with Zelenskyy’s party, told the AP. «He was truly indispensable. I even don’t know who might be as important for us now in Trump’s entourage.»
«He was the closest link between Ukraine, our president and Trump,» he added. «Our position in Trump’s entourage might be weaker.»
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It’s unclear who will be able to usher Graham’s signature Russia sanctions bill through the Senate and onto the president’s desk with the same access to both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue.
For now, the president will navigate wars in Ukraine and the Middle East without the friend who was never shy about telling him to hit harder.
lindsey graham, politics, foreign policy senate, donald trump, foreign policy
INTERNACIONAL
Estados Unidos realizó operaciones diurnas contra Irán para evitar nuevos ataques a barcos comerciales en el estrecho de Ormuz
Estados Unidos completó el miércoles una nueva oleada de ataques contra Irán, informó el Comando Central de sus fuerzas armadas (CENTCOM), horas después de que Washington reimpusiera el bloqueo naval sobre los puertos iraníes en un marcado retorno a la guerra abierta entre ambos países.
CENTCOM señaló en la red social X que la ofensiva “degradó aún más la capacidad de Irán para atacar el tráfico comercial en el estrecho de Ormuz”. Durante una oleada de 90 minutos, las fuerzas estadounidenses “lanzaron municiones de precisión contra sistemas de defensa costera y sitios de almacenamiento y lanzamiento de misiles crucero” en la isla de Gran Tunb, agregó el comando militar junto a un video que muestra un bombardeo contra objetivos iraníes.
La ofensiva se suma a otra ronda de bombardeos llevada a cabo horas antes, cuando aviones de combate, drones y buques estadounidenses dispararon municiones de precisión durante una operación nocturna de siete horas contra decenas de objetivos militares iraníes. Uno de los ataques alcanzó un cuartel de la 388ª Brigada de Infantería Mecanizada del ejército iraní, en la provincia de Sistán y Baluchistán, matando al menos a siete soldados y dejando más de 260 heridos en todo el país, según funcionarios iraníes. Washington también reanudó los ataques diurnos, un movimiento inusual que evidencia el ritmo creciente de la escalada.
Estados Unidos había impuesto por primera vez el bloqueo en abril y lo levantó el mes pasado tras la firma de un acuerdo provisional que pausó los combates y abrió un plazo de 60 días para negociar temas como el programa nuclear iraní. Esas conversaciones se estancaron a medida que se intensificó la disputa por el estrecho de Ormuz, y el retorno del bloqueo esta semana marcó el colapso de facto de la tregua.
En respuesta, la Guardia Revolucionaria de Irán amenazó con detener todas las exportaciones energéticas de Oriente Medio. “La exportación de petróleo y gas de la región será o para todos o para nadie”, advirtió la fuerza paramilitar.
Irán, por su parte, se atribuyó ataques con misiles y drones contra Bahrein, Kuwait y Jordania, todos países que albergan fuerzas estadounidenses. Bahrein y Kuwait emitieron alertas por fuego entrante la madrugada del miércoles, mientras que Jordania informó haber derribado tres misiles iraníes.
El presidente estadounidense, Donald Trump, había anticipado el martes por la noche, en una entrevista con Fox News, que los ataques contra Irán continuarían en los próximos dos días y que puentes y plantas eléctricas podrían convertirse en próximos objetivos si no se reanudan las negociaciones. Estados Unidos ya había atacado al menos un puente.
“Más vale que lleguen a un acuerdo, o no les va a quedar nada”, dijo Trump.
El barril de crudo Brent, referencia internacional, cotizaba el miércoles por encima de los 85 dólares, más de 15% por encima del nivel previo a la guerra, aunque todavía lejos de los casi 120 dólares alcanzados en el punto más álgido del conflicto.
Trump había anunciado el lunes, junto con la reimposición del bloqueo, un arancel del 20% a los barcos que cruzaran el estrecho, pero abandonó luego ese plan citando pedidos de aliados del golfo Pérsico interesados en invertir miles de millones de dólares en Estados Unidos.
El estrecho de Ormuz, por el que en tiempos de paz circula una quinta parte del petróleo y el gas natural comercializados en el mundo, sigue siendo el epicentro del conflicto. Durante el acuerdo provisional, algunos barcos habían retomado el paso por una ruta cercana a Omán, supervisada por militares estadounidenses y fuera del control de Teherán, pero los ataques recíprocos de los últimos días volvieron a interrumpir ese tránsito.
Washington ha amenazado con reabrir el estrecho por la fuerza, aunque analistas sostienen que eso demandaría una armada mucho mayor y posiblemente decenas de miles de tropas terrestres. Mediadores regionales continúan intentando que Estados Unidos e Irán retomen las negociaciones.
INTERNACIONAL
Montana Dem running as blue-collar smokejumper spent years lobbying for far-left groups
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A Democrat running in a key Montana House race as a «smokejumper» and working-class outsider previously worked as a registered lobbyist opposing state-level bills that would have restricted drag performances in public schools and libraries, banned gender-transition procedures for minors and cracked down on sanctuary policies, records reviewed by Fox News Digital show.
Sam Forstag, the Democratic nominee in Montana’s 1st Congressional District, has leaned into a blue-collar campaign message, saying constituents like him «know how to work» and «know how to swing a tool.»
His campaign has focused on affordability, corruption and working-class frustrations, but his lobbying record puts him on the record on several hot-button issues that could undercut his effort to appeal to more centrist voters in a heavily Republican state.
Between 2021 and 2023, Forstag was listed as a registered lobbyist for groups and entities such as the American Civil Liberties Union, Planned Parenthood, the Montana Library Association and the City of Missoula. During that time, he testified against or was tied through lobbying records to opposition against bills involving drag performances in schools and libraries, transgender-related medical treatments for minors, boys competing in girls’ sports, voter ID and local cooperation with federal immigration authorities.
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Sam Forstag, who is running for Congress on a working-class image in one of Montana’s two House districts, has a lobbying career steeped in left-wing culture war issues. (Sam for Montana)
«This bill is the latest of a series that I expect you’ll see that are intended to stir up fear and distrust of our fellow citizens,» Forstag told Montana lawmakers in 2023 as Republicans considered a bill restricting minors from attending drag performances in public schools and libraries. Forstag argued the measure was overly broad and could affect people who are transgender or nonbinary participating in library programming, saying he hoped lawmakers did not intend to «prohibit an entire class of people» from serving in public libraries.
Forstag also opposed SB 99, a bill banning certain gender-transition procedures and medications for minors. In testimony on the bill, Forstag urged lawmakers to «leave personal and medical decisions to families and their chosen health care providers.»
While representing the ACLU of Montana, Forstag was tied to opposition against HB 112, which required student athletes to compete based on biological sex, and SB 169, a measure to increase scrutiny around voter ID protocols.
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While representing the ACLU of Montana, Forstag was tied to opposition against HB 112, which required student athletes to compete based on biological sex. (Jahi Chikwendiu/The Washington Post via Getty Images)
Forstag also opposed bills involving sanctuary policies and local law enforcement cooperation with federal immigration authorities, including measures aimed at requiring local officials to comply with immigration detainers.
Forstag did not directly dispute the lobbying record when asked by Fox News Digital, instead defending his work in the state capital as a fight for working people and individual freedom.
«Between fire seasons, I fought for working people in a state capital that too often ignores us,» Forstag told Fox News Digital. «Instead of accepting a system where the extremes and the rich have the loudest voice, I worked my tail off to defend Montanans’ constitutional rights and freedoms and fight for policies that actually improve our lives.»
Forstag framed his opposition to bills involving transgender medical procedures as part of a broader belief that government should stay out of personal decisions.
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«I believe the government’s got no place getting involved in peoples’ private, personal decisions,» he said. «Politicians have no place coming for our guns, and no place inserting themselves into medical decisions that should be up to patients, parents, and doctors.»
Forstag framed his opposition to bills involving transgender medical procedures as part of a broader belief that government should stay out of personal decisions. (istock)
On immigration, Forstag, who is backed by Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., and Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., said local police should not be forced to carry out federal immigration responsibilities.
«Laws that force local law enforcement to do the federal government’s bidding make our communities less safe and put police in a bad spot,» he said. «Immigration enforcement should be left to federal officials so our local police can keep Montanans safe.»
Forstag said local police should not be forced to carry out federal immigration responsibilities. (Victor J. Blue/Bloomberg via Getty Images)
Jake Eaton, a longtime Montana Republican strategist whose clients have included Gov. Greg Gianforte and Attorney General Austin Knudsen, told Fox News Digital that Forstag’s lobbying record could undercut his effort to appeal to blue-collar and swing voters in the district, noting that issues involving transgender policies, schools and immigration «cut across» demographics.
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Meanwhile, Eaton described Forstag as emblematic of the leftward shift of Montana Democrats.
«There aren’t a lot of moderate Democrats, if any, left,» Eaton said. «The days of Brian Schweitzer, when you had Democrats that were pro-gun and pro-coal, they don’t really exist anymore.»
But Eric Koch, a longtime Democratic consultant, rejected that criticism, arguing that Forstag’s record fits his broader message about keeping government out of personal decisions.
Forstag will face Flint, an Army veteran and conservative radio host, in the Nov. 3 general election for the open western Montana seat. (OutKick/Screencaps/Montana Tim)
«Sam’s record is about keeping government out of your business,» Koch told Fox News Digital. «No amount of divide-and-distract will change that.» The consultant argued Republicans would rather focus on culture-war issues than Forstag’s economic contrast with his Republican opponent Aaron Flint.
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Forstag will face Flint, an Army veteran and conservative radio host, in the Nov. 3 general election for the open western Montana seat currently held by GOP Rep. Ryan Zinke, who announced earlier this year he would not seek re-election.
Forstag won the Democratic primary after defeating former 2024 gubernatorial nominee Ryan Busse, Russell Cleveland and Matt Rains, while Flint emerged from a Republican primary field that included Montana Secretary of State Christi Jacobsen, former state Sen. Al Olszewski and educator Ray Curtis.
midterm elections, house of representatives, montana, elections, house of representatives politics
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Hundreds of U.S. Marines storm ashore as helicopters thunder overhead, Navy warships and fighter jets establish overwhelming air and sea superiority, and commanders issue one final warning to Iranian forces: surrender or be overrun.
That is how military experts envision the opening hours of a potential U.S. operation to seize Iran’s Kharg Island—the tiny but strategically vital island that handles roughly 90% of the Islamic Republic’s crude oil exports and has become the centerpiece of Washington’s economic pressure campaign against Tehran.
The scenario was thrust back into the spotlight Tuesday after President Donald Trump declined to rule out taking the island. «I can’t say that to you because if I did, it would be foolish,» Trump told Fox News chief foreign correspondent Trey Yingst during an exclusive interview on ‘Special Report’ when asked directly whether he planned to seize Kharg island. He added that previous U.S. strikes intentionally avoided the island’s oil facilities because they are «a chunk of the world economy.»
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Satellite view of Kharg Island, located in the Persian Gulf off the coast of Iran. (Gallo Images/Orbital Horizon/Copernicus Sentinel Data 2024)
«There are a lot of ways to skin this cat,» Vice Adm. (Ret.) Robert Harward, former deputy commander of U.S. Central Command, told Fox News Digital in an interview.
Harward explained a Marine Expeditionary Unit could conduct an amphibious assault while U.S. naval and air forces establish complete control over the battlespace, giving Iranian defenders an opportunity to surrender before major fighting begins. The goal, he said, would not simply be to capture the island but to preserve the oil infrastructure that could one day serve a post-Islamic Republic government.
«The real objective at the end of the day is to minimize risk,» said Harward. «Not only to your own forces, but to the people you’re coming in contact with,» while also limiting damage to facilities that could eventually be handed over to «a government of Iran that is focused on supporting its people, as opposed to proliferating the Islamic Revolution.»
Trump’s remarks echoed Harward’s assessment that preserving Kharg’s oil facilities would likely be a key military objective. Trump said he had instructed U.S. forces during previous strikes to «hit everything, but the oil,» explaining that damaging the export terminal could have significant consequences for the global economy.
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U.S. forces conduct a right-of-visit, maritime interdiction and boarding of the Veronica III without incident in the INDOPACOM area of responsibility after the vessel allegedly tried to defy President Trump’s quarantine, Feb. 15, 2026. (X/@DeptofWar)
But military experts say capturing Kharg may be the easiest part of the mission.
Located just 16 miles off Iran’s Gulf coast, the eight-square-mile island sits well within range of Iranian missiles, drones and shore-based anti-ship weapons. While analysts believe U.S. forces could likely seize the island within hours, holding it against sustained retaliation from the nearby mainland could require a far larger and longer military commitment—raising the risk of direct war with Iran itself.
Kharg’s strategic importance predates Iran’s modern oil industry. British forces briefly occupied the island during confrontations with Persia over Herat in 1838 and again during the Anglo-Persian War in 1856, using its location near the Iranian coast to apply pressure on Tehran. Nearly a century later, Iran selected Kharg as a deep-water oil terminal because its sheltered waters could accommodate large tankers. Construction began in the late 1950s, and the terminal entered service in 1960, transforming the island into the principal outlet for Iranian crude.
«Everybody talks about seizing Kharg,» Nicholas Carl, assistant director of the Critical Threats Project at the American Enterprise Institute, told Fox News Digital. «Iran has spent decades investing in denial capabilities designed specifically to keep U.S. forces away from its shores.» Those capabilities include anti-ship cruise missiles, drones, naval mines and hundreds of fast attack craft designed to overwhelm superior naval forces.
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A satellite image shows an oil terminal at Kharg Island, Iran, February 25, 2026. (2026 Planet Labs PBC/Handout via Reuters)
Military planners have long viewed Iran’s anti-access strategy as one of the most sophisticated in the Middle East. Rather than matching the U.S. Navy ship for ship, Tehran has invested heavily in asymmetric weapons intended to make any amphibious assault costly.
Harward, a former member of the National Security Council and current member of the Jewish Institute for National Security of America’s Iran Policy Project, acknowledged that once American forces were on Kharg, the primary danger would shift from conventional naval combat to missile and drone attacks launched from the nearby mainland.
«Iran doesn’t really have air power,» Harward said. «The concern is whether they launch missiles and drones at the island with U.S. forces on the ground. That’s the biggest risk.»
Harward said the viability of the operation would ultimately depend on intelligence about the number and disposition of Iranian forces, whether they had prepared booby traps or improvised explosive devices, and how Tehran might respond once American troops were ashore.
Still, he argued, such retaliation would come at a price for Tehran.
«If they start striking Kharg itself, they become accountable for damaging their own economic lifeline,» he said.
The challenge illustrates the distinction between tactical success and strategic success. Seizing an eight-square-mile island is one military problem. Defending it against sustained attacks only a short distance from Iranian territory is another.
A general view of the Port of Kharg Island Oil Terminal, 25 km from the Iranian coast in the Persian Gulf and 483 km northwest of the Strait of Hormuz, in Iran on March 12, 2017. (Fatemeh Bahrami/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images)
Harward suggested Washington still has several options short of launching an amphibious assault.
With the U.S.-led blockade, reinforced Tuesday, already constraining Iran’s oil exports, he argued that additional economic pressure could target overland transportation routes, border crossings and air traffic instead of committing ground troops.
«There is still a lot you could do to enhance the economic challenges to Iran,» Harward said. «Synchronizing military, economic and political pressure is really the strategy.»
Some strategists have also questioned whether Kharg is the most valuable military objective.
Mark Fox, a retired Vice Admiral and a former commander of the 5th Fleet, previously told Fox News Digital that Kharg is fundamentally an oil terminal rather than a military fortress. Instead, he argued, smaller islands such as Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb and Abu Musa—disputed islands near the Strait of Hormuz—could present more manageable military objectives while creating a significant strategic dilemma for Tehran because of their location along one of the world’s most important shipping lanes.
For Harward, however, the larger question extends beyond any single island.
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Export oil pipelines are seen at an oil facility on Kharg Island, on the shore of the Gulf, Feb. 23, 2016. (Str/AFP Via Getty Images)
«I think the only real end state to ensure long-term stability and security in the region is a government of Iran that renounces the Islamic Revolution and focuses on the Iranian people,» he said. That would require ending Tehran’s nuclear ambitions, halting support for proxy groups, protecting freedom of navigation through the Strait of Hormuz and ending the regime’s domestic repression.
Whether Washington ever decides to seize Kharg, military planners agree on one point: Capturing Iran’s economic lifeline would likely be measured in hours, but successfully holding it—and managing the regional escalation that could follow — would be a far longer and more complex campaign.
war with iran, military, us air force, us navy
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