FIRST ON FOX: Many African economies are accelerating – booming – since the Trump Administration shifted policy focus from aid to trade, a senior State Department official told Fox News Digital.

In some African countries, doom was forecast when the Trump administration severely cut back USAID funding, but instead there’s been unprecedented economic growth, credited to the Commercial Diplomacy Strategy, introduced at the beginning of President Trump’s second term.

Now, «nine of the 20 fastest-growing economies (in the world) are in Africa,» Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of African Affairs Frank Garcia told Fox News Digital.

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Garcia added, «African economies are responding positively to the shift from aid to trade. In 2025, U.S. exports to sub-Saharan Africa increased by 23% to $22.6 billion. And continue to grow this year.»

When the Administration cut USAID by 83% early last year, «The predictions were catastrophic: economies heavily dependent on foreign donors—from Ethiopia to South Sudan and Malawi — were expected to collapse. Instead, something quite different happened,» Anna Mahjar-Barducci, Project Director at the Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI), told Fox News Digital.

«The African continent proved far more resilient than expected, citing Ethiopia, which revised its 2026 growth forecasts upward despite the funding cuts,» Mahjar-Barducci continued. «According to projections by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Sub-Saharan Africa is expected to grow between 4.3% and 4.6% in 2026, outpacing Asia as a whole, whose growth is forecast at around 4.1%. Growth is propelled by massive hydroelectric investments, construction, mining and expanding coffee exports.»

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Oil refinery in Ibeju Lekki district, Nigeria (Toyin Adedokun/AFP via Getty Images)

«This is no minor detail,» she continued. «For decades, we were told that without international aid Africa would collapse. Now that aid is genuinely drying up, much of the continent is not only avoiding collapse —i t is accelerating. This is precisely the argument that a long-standing school of African economic thought, now more relevant than ever, has advanced for years: aid is not the solution. In many cases, it is part of the problem.»

Assistant Secretary Garcia explained how the strategy works:» We see this economic acceleration in Africa. In order to best capitalize on it, the United States is focused on driving private investment, sustainable growth in terms of partnership and treating African nations not as aid recipients, but as capable commercial partners.»

He added «Our embassies (in Africa) work directly with the private sector to identify the policies, laws, and regulations constraining U.S. trade and investment. We then work with partner governments to develop practical reforms, identify the officials responsible for implementing them and determine where technical assistance may support implementation.»

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An American flag and USAID flag fly outside the USAID building in Washington, D.C., U.S., February 1, 2025. (REUTERS/Annabelle Gordon)

It’s a strategy that appears to be working, with Garcia adding, «The Bureau of African Affairs has worked on 37 commercial transactions that have closed since the beginning of the (current) Trump Administration, representing $25.67 billion in total value, with more still being reported. Embassies across the continent are actively working to close hundreds more. Top sectors include Energy 24%, ICT 19%, Critical Minerals and Mining 11%, Aerospace 8%, Agriculture 8%, Infrastructure 8%.»

Mahjar-Barducci criticized the way USAID worked, telling Fox News Digital,» When aid flows to governments rather than markets, it tends to finance projects designed in Brussels, Rome, or Washington which are not responding to the actual needs of local economies. Poverty cannot be overcome by treating people as permanent recipients of charity. Poverty can be reduced by recognizing people as entrepreneurs, workers and economic partners capable of building their own prosperity.»

The Bishoftu International Airport is expected to become Africa’s largest aviation hub upon completion. (Geng Xinning/Xinhua via Getty Images)

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Trade, rather than aid works, Mahjar-Barducci claimed. «The Trump administration’s more transactional approach to aid — access to critical minerals, or to citizens’ health data, in exchange for funding — should not be dismissed as merely cynical. Unconditional transfers have long been the deeper flaw in the traditional aid model: money with no strings attached removes any incentive for a recipient government to reform and often entrenches the same officials responsible for the underlying poverty.»

Enter the America First Global Health Strategy. A senior State Department official told Fox News Digital this week that the administration «has signed 34 bilateral global health Memoranda of Understanding(MOU) representing more than $24 billion in new health funding, including more than $14.3 billion in U.S. assistance, alongside more than $9.6 billion in co-investment from recipient countries.»

«24 of these MOUs were signed with sub-Saharan African countries,» the official continued. «These new bilateral MOUs are designed to continue life-saving care, build resilient healthcare systems, reduce dependency on American taxpayers and strengthen country ownership.»

MEKELE, ETHIOPIA – JUNE 16: Aid workers move bags of yellow lentils that are part of athree-piece «Full Package» to be distributed to residents of Geha subcity at an aid operation run by USAID, Catholic Relief Services and the Relief Society of Tigray on June 16, 2021 in Mekele, Ethiopia. (emal Countess/Getty Images)

The administration has also decided to cut funding for a U.S. anti-AIDS program known as PEPFAR. Africa has been hit hard by the HIV/AIDS pandemic. UNAIDS, the United Nations program that deals with the virus, reports that South Africa has the highest infection rate in the world. 

But the State Department official Fox News Digital spoke with says South Africa must take some of the blame for cutting help to its own people. «The United States has decided to initiate a phased drawdown of PEPFAR programming in South Africa, following South Africa’s failure to make demonstrable progress on policy requests by the administration. The United States communicated to [the] South African government multiple times at many levels that PEPFAR funding would be terminated if they failed to address President Trump’s concerns.»

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«PEPFAR was never intended to be permanent,» the official added. «Its success is measured by countries’ ability to sustain and build upon these gains. South Africa is a middle-income country and is more than capable of supporting its own health programs.»

Fox News Digital reached out to the South African government, but received no response.

Cuando el historiador británico Martin Walker, a principios del año 2000, instauró el concepto del “dilema turco”, la disyuntiva se planteaba en términos interiores: Atatürk versus Erdogan, laicismo o islamismo, democracia o autocracia. Veintiséis años después, el concepto subsiste, pero no para definir la realidad dual turca, sino para expresar la encrucijada que representa Turquía para Occidente. En dos décadas, y especialmente después del intento de golpe de estado de 2016 y de la posterior represión de Erdogan, el dilema interior ha desaparecido: el laicismo ha sido sustituido por el islamismo como identidad nacional, y la democracia parlamentaria se ha transformado en una autocracia presidencial.

La biografía del propio Recep Tayyip Erdoğan es una fotografía precisa de esta transformación que ha cambiado radicalmente el paradigma turco. En 1997, siendo alcalde de Estambul fue acusado de extremismo y odio religioso, y fue sentenciado a dimitir de su cargo y pasar cuatro meses en la cárcel. Su partido, el islamista Refah Partisi fue ilegalizado por el Constitucional turco. El detonante, que sumaba a una larga carrera en defensa del integrismo, fue un poema del poeta Ziya Gökalp que Erdogan leyó en un mitin, modificando la letra para convertirla en una soflama fundamentalista. Este fue el texto que alertó a las autoridades turcas: “Las mezquitas son nuestros cuarteles, las cúpulas son nuestros cascos, los minaretes nuestras bayonetas y los creyentes, nuestros soldados”. En aquel momento, la defensa del laicismo era el eje central de la vida política y judicial de Turquía, en coherencia con el mítico legado de Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Dos décadas después, ese legado es historia: el gobierno ha inyectado miles de millones en crear escuelas públicas religiosas (las Imam Hatip); han reducido las horas de ciencia y biología en primera y secundaria, sustituidas por el estudio de la moral religiosa; se ha incorporado la asignatura de historia de la Jihad; han convertido el Ministerio de Asuntos Religiosos en un gran poder económico que instruye a miles de mezquitas, convertidas en correas de transmisión; y, más allá de otras muchas decisiones de corte islamista, en 2020 Erdogan revocó el decreto de Ataturk que convertía la basílica de Santa Sofía en un museo, y la ha vuelto a transformar en mezquita.

Si en lo identitario, Turquía ha transitado hacia una severa islamización que sistemáticamente purga y discrimina la laicidad, en lo político el proceso hacia una autarquía represora ha sido tan veloz como implacable. Con la excusa del golpe de estado de 2016, Erdogan ha ido perpetrando una purga masiva que implica centenares de miles de personas destituidas de sus cargos o directamente encarceladas, desde militares, hasta periodistas, intelectuales, profesores políticos, abogados y cualquiera que se enfrente a su poder. La purga en el ejército ha significado la expulsión de miles de miembros y el cierre de centenares de academias, como lo ha sido la purga en los medios de comunicación (centenares clausurados), en las asociaciones cívicas, fundaciones y sindicatos. Solo a nivel educativo, cerca de 130.000 profesores (en todos los niveles, desde primaria hasta catedráticos) han sido destituidos. Uno a uno, todos los líderes opositores han acabado en procesos judiciales y muchos de ellos encarcelados. El caso más notorio es del alcalde de Estambul Ekrem Imamogly, el líder del principal partido opositor, el Partido Republicano del Pueblo (CHP), que fue arrestado en marzo de 2025 junto a decenas de funcionarios municipales, acusado de todo tipo de cargos, desde corrupción y malversación, a terrorismo. La acusación llegó justo cuando su partido lo nombró candidato a la presidencia. Piden para él 2.430 años de cárcel. Además, vía justicia, Erdogan ha conseguido la disolución forzosa de la cúpula del partido, con lo cual ha conseguido anular a su principal opositor. Se calcula que el número de presos políticos en las cárceles turcas se acerca a los 40.000.

Hoy por hoy Erdogan gobierna con un poder absoluto que implica el dominio de los poderes del estado, desde el control integral de la justicia, (ahora es el jefe del estado quien nombra a los miembros del Consejo de Jueces y Fiscales y a los magistrados del Constitucional), hasta el dominio de las universidades (los rectores también son nominados por él, o los medios de comunicación, que también queda en manos del ejecutivo). Con el cambio constitucional de 2017 en el que se sustituyó el sistema parlamentario por un sistema presidencialista con amplios poderes, la capacidad de los diputados para influir en las políticas públicas ha quedado en nada. Y así, entre el proceso de islamización masivo, y el proceso de desdemocratización, Erdogan se asienta en un poder imperial desde hace 23 años, que puede alargarse ad eternum.

El dilema turco interior ha quedado engullido por la voracidad de este islamista radical cuyo objetivo es la desaparición del legado de Ataturk. Pero si el interior está desdibujado, el dilema turco en el exterior está más vivo que nunca: por un lado, es un país militarmente poderoso y geopolíticamente imprescindible, de manera que tanto la OTAN como la UE necesitan tenerlo de socio; por el otro, preocupa su política exterior, agresiva, ambivalente y expansiva. Interviene en Libia, donde ha sentado bases permanentes, en el Sahel, a través de las dictaduras prorrusas, en el Cáucaso, en la isla de Chipre (con una política islamizadora muy agresiva), y por supuesto en todo Oriente Medio, donde quiere sustituir a Irán y a Arabia Saudita como poder central, mientras hostiga permanentemente a Israel. Si en lo identitario, Erdogan anhela restituir a la Turquía islámica, y en lo político, emula al sultanato, en la estrategia internacional quiere recuperar el viejo imperio otomano. Algo así como la Gran Rusia de Putin, pero en versión turca. De ahí que sea un auténtico dilema para Occidente porque Turquía es una solución, pero una solución envuelta en un problema. Un problema que, de la mano de Erdogan, puede convertirse en el más importante de la región en los próximos tiempos.

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Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche is headed for a second straight day of grilling in the Senate, and his path to confirmation still remains cluttered with two key Republicans keeping tight-lipped on whether they’ll support him.

Blanche’s first day was fraught with questions about the Department of Justice’s (DOJ) handling of millions of documents related to the late, convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein, known as the Epstein Files, the now-defunct anti-weaponization fund and whether he would operate the DOJ as a tool of retribution for President Donald Trump.

Two Republicans on the committee hold the key to Blanche’s success, Sens. Thom Tillis, R-N.C., and John Cornyn, R-Texas, and so far, neither has committed to voting for him.

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Cornyn, who has taken issue with the nearly $1.8 billion anti-weaponization fund and the underlying settlement reached by Trump and his family and the IRS, which Blanche acknowledged was still «enforceable» but was not moving forward, was noncommittal on how he would vote.

Cornyn, who has taken issue with the nearly $1.8 billion anti-weaponization fund, created under Trump’s IRS settlement to compensate people who claimed they were victims of government «weaponization,» which Blanche acknowledged was still «enforceable» but not moving forward, was noncommittal on how he would vote.

«Well, I don’t know what other information’s gonna be coming in,» Cornyn said. «The hearing is not even halfway done. And so, you know, I don’t have to make a decision now, so I’m not.»

Blanche received heat throughout the hearing for being Trump’s former personal defense lawyer, and quickly corrected himself when asked by Sen. John Kennedy, R-La., if he considered himself the president’s friend.

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«I’m his lawyer — was his lawyer, and now I’m the deputy attorney general,» Blanche said.

When asked about the slip-up, Cornyn said, «I think he’s trying to walk the line.»

«I think he’s trying to walk a very difficult line,» he said.

Tillis’ primary concern, similar to Cornyn’s, is the anti-weaponization fund and whether it is truly dead and gone.

He declined to say whether he would support Blanche, but noted that when asked if he was willing to work on legislation to put a permanent end to the fund, Blanche said, «Yes.»

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Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, departs a meeting with Senate Republicans at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., on June 4, 2026. (Kent Nishimura/AFP via Getty Images)

«I think that’s a pretty strong indication that he and the administration are OK with [it],» Tillis said. «Does anybody really believe that the nominee for attorney general would answer that question if he didn’t think that he had the support of the president to end this?»

Meanwhile, Senate Democrats on the panel are dug in against him.

Sen. Dick Durbin, D-Ill., the top-ranking Democrat on the committee, browbeat Blanche for his handling of the Epstein Files release and whether he would actually meet with Epstein survivors.

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«Anyone who can represent a known pathological liar like Donald Trump can have no integrity,» Durbin said. «You can’t have integrity if you represent Donald Trump, because he is such an inveterate liar. And that person, of course, should never, never, never be attorney general.»

And Sen. Chris Coons, D-Del., admitted that Blanche was, «qualified … as someone who has been a prosecutor.»

«But given his legal experience, he should have known better than to be willing to tolerate or support the weaponization of the department,» Coons said. «Using it as a tool not to follow the facts and the law, to pursue justice, but to carry out a retribution agenda by President Trump.»