INTERNACIONAL
Why NATO’s defense spending imbalance lasted for decades
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This is part five of a series examining the challenges confronting the NATO alliance.
For more than three decades, the U.S. carried the largest share of NATO’s military burden while many European allies spent far less on defense than Washington wanted.
The imbalance survived the Cold War, multiple U.S. administrations and repeated debates over burden sharing. Only in recent years — following Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine and renewed pressure from President Donald Trump — have many NATO members begun significantly increasing defense spending.
So why did the gap persist for so long?
Defense analysts say the answer lies in a combination of post-Cold War optimism, domestic political priorities and an American defense umbrella that convinced much of Europe it could safely spend less on defense without sacrificing its security.
For more than three decades, the U.S. carried the largest share of NATO’s military burden while many European allies spent far less on defense than Washington wanted. (Handout / Latin America News Agency via Reuters Connect)
GLOBAL SYSTEM TOOK ADVANTAGE OF AMERICA ON TRADE AND DEFENSE. THAT FREE RIDE IS OVER
«For much of the post–Cold War period, it is fair to say that Europeans underinvested in defense, partly because threats were low, and partly because a series of U.S. presidents did everything they could to convince Europeans that we would stay there forever,» Barry Posen, a professor of political science at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, told Fox News Digital.
The collapse of the Soviet Union reinforced that mindset.
With the primary threat NATO had been created to deter suddenly gone, governments across Europe moved to collect a so-called «peace dividend,» redirecting resources toward domestic priorities and away from their militaries.
Between 1992 and 1999, defense spending among European NATO members fell 22%, helping establish a pattern of underinvestment that would persist for decades even as the United States maintained troops in Europe and continued serving as NATO’s ultimate security backstop.
GERMANY UNVEILS NEW INCENTIVES TO BOOST MILITARY RECRUITMENT AMID GROWING RUSSIA THREAT
As defense spending declined, many European governments expanded or maintained social welfare systems that consumed a growing share of public budgets. Programs such as healthcare, pensions and higher education became deeply embedded in domestic politics, often making them harder to cut than military spending.
With the U.S. continuing to provide the bulk of NATO’s military power, many governments faced little immediate pressure to reverse course. Critics of the alliance’s spending imbalance argued that American taxpayers were effectively subsidizing Europe’s security, allowing allies to devote a larger share of public resources to domestic priorities.
The result was what some defense analysts describe as a «moral hazard» problem: because the U.S. commitment to NATO was viewed as ironclad, allies could spend less on their own militaries without facing the full consequences of those decisions.
«For much of the post–Cold War period, it is fair to say that Europeans underinvested in defense, partly because threats were low, and partly because a series of U.S. presidents did everything they could to convince Europeans that we would stay there forever,» Barry Posen, a professor of political science at MIT, told Fox News Digital. (AP Photo/Darko Vojinovic, File)
NATO CHIEF WARNS EUROPE CAN’T DEFEND ITSELF WITHOUT US AS TENSIONS RISE OVER GREENLAND
Over time, that dynamic became self-reinforcing. As European militaries shrank, many allies grew increasingly dependent on American capabilities ranging from logistics and intelligence to missile defense, strategic airlift and nuclear deterrence.
«We are still having a strong, conventional U.S. presence in Europe,» NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte said earlier in 2026, «and, of course, the nuclear umbrella as our ultimate guarantor.»
American frustration over burden sharing is nearly as old as NATO itself.
«We are still having a strong, conventional U.S. presence in Europe,» NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte said earlier this year, «and, of course, the nuclear umbrella as our ultimate guarantor.» (Omar Havana/Getty Images)
In 1953, President Dwight D. Eisenhower warned European allies that «the American well can run dry» and pressed them to assume a larger share of the alliance’s defense burden. The issue resurfaced repeatedly over the following decades as successive administrations sought greater European contributions to collective defense.
The concern persisted long after the Cold War. In a blunt 2011 farewell speech in Brussels, then-War Secretary Robert Gates warned of a «dim if not dismal future» for NATO if European governments continued underinvesting in their militaries. Gates cautioned that there would be «dwindling appetite and patience» among American lawmakers and taxpayers to bear a disproportionate share of the alliance’s defense costs.
Yet despite decades of warnings, the underlying incentives changed little.
Washington repeatedly reaffirmed its commitment to NATO and maintained a large military presence on the continent, reducing pressure on allies to rapidly increase defense spending.
«Every administration has been pushing allies to spend more money on their own defense,» former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Europe and NATO Jim Townsend told Fox News Digital.
The issue gained renewed urgency after Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014, when NATO established a benchmark for members to spend at least 2% of GDP on defense. While spending gradually increased, progress remained uneven across the alliance.
«Nations slowly began going to that. But it’s been slow,» Townsend said.
For years, burden-sharing disputes followed a familiar pattern: American officials urged allies to spend more, European leaders promised improvements and NATO continued to rely heavily on American military power. What finally broke that cycle, Townsend said, was the combination of Russia’s growing aggression and Trump’s willingness to challenge assumptions that had shaped the alliance for decades.
«What really woke everyone up were two things,» Townsend said. «One was the 2022 invasion by Putin the second time. And then the second was Trump.»
Unlike previous presidents, Trump openly questioned whether the United States should defend allies that failed to meet defense spending commitments. During his first term and again during his return to office, Trump argued that NATO members were taking advantage of American taxpayers and suggested U.S. protection should not be unconditional.
Whether European leaders viewed Trump’s approach as pressure, a warning or a negotiating tactic, it altered assumptions that had shaped the alliance since the end of the Cold War and accelerated a debate that had simmered for decades.
The shift culminated at NATO’s summit in The Hague, where allies agreed to a new goal of spending 5% of GDP on defense and defense-related investments by 2035. The agreement marked a dramatic leap from NATO’s long-standing 2% benchmark and reflected a growing consensus that the alliance faced a far more dangerous security environment than the one that emerged after the Soviet Union’s collapse.
The agreement also signaled that many allies had come to the same conclusion American presidents had voiced for decades: the post-Cold War era of reduced military spending was over.
TRUMP PUSHED NATO TO SPEND BIG — NOW COMES THE HARDER QUESTION: CAN EUROPE ACTUALLY FIGHT?
But analysts caution that rebuilding military power is far more complicated than increasing budgets.
Europe remains dependent on the U.S. for capabilities ranging from air defense and logistics to intelligence and defense industrial capacity, Townsend said. Even as governments commit more money to defense, translating those investments into military readiness will take years.
John Byrne of Concerned Veterans for America said the challenge extends beyond equipment and spending levels.
«They don’t have the experience,» Byrne told Fox News Digital, referring to the decades in which large multinational military commands were overwhelmingly led by American officers.
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Running large coalition military operations requires years of institutional knowledge and leadership experience, he said — something that cannot be rebuilt overnight.
«You can buy equipment,» Byrne said. «You can’t instantly buy command experience.»
nato, defense, alliances, spending, russia
INTERNACIONAL
Reporter’s Notebook: Countdown is on as Senate races to pass crypto, college sports bills
Senate takes up CLARITY Act aimed at regulating cryptocurrency
Fox News chief congressional correspondent Chad Pergram has the latest on Congress debating the CLARITY Act, legislation aimed at establishing a federal regulatory framework for cryptocurrency and digital assets, as lawmakers weigh its potential impact on investors, financial markets and the future of the U.S. crypto industry on ‘Special Report.’
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It’s a twofer in the Senate.
Senators return to Washington Monday for the first time since the wee hours of Aug. 8. The Senate’s slated to meet for three weeks before heading home for the midterms — if the session even goes that long.
There are a lot of items senators want to tackle. But only two big ones are lined up for test votes right now.
The first legislative vote is locked in. It’s a procedural vote on a measure to regulate cryptocurrency. That comes Tuesday afternoon. The bill needs 60 votes to be in play.
REPORTER’S NOTEBOOK: SUMMER ENDS, BUT THE SENATE’S FALL CRUNCH BEGINS
President Donald Trump speaks in the Oval Office of the White House on Thursday, Aug. 27, 2026, in Washington, D.C. (AP Photo/Manuel Balce Ceneta)
There’s no bigger advocate for cryptocurrency than President Trump. He’s pushing for the Senate to move legislation.
«We ended the war on crypto once and for all,» said the President. «Now we need Congress to take the next step by passing the Clarity Act.»
Let’s clarify what the Clarity Act does. The measure clarifies federal rules for digital currencies and tokens. The framework would divide oversight between two regulators: The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) and the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CTFC). Approval of the bill would be the first step toward establishing guardrails for cryptocurrency.
«We passed the Clarity Act in the House last summer with 78 Democratic votes. It’s now time for the Senate to join us,» said House Financial Services Committee Chairman French Hill, R-Ark., on Fox Business.
The package has bipartisan support. But there’s a roadblock coming from the Democrats.
«The one remaining significant issue, I think, is the ethics provision,» said Hill.
President Trump’s own financial disclosure report reveals he earned $1.4 billion on cryptocurrency last year alone. That’s why Democrats want specific rules for the Trump family and crypto.
«It basically exempts the President from any kind of ethical constraints. And that’s just not going to fly in the Democratic caucus,» said Sen. Adam Schiff, D-Calif.
Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., says the bill is too closely aligned with what the President and his industry allies want.
«Yes. We need crypto legislation. But not this legislation that has been written by this industry,» said Warren. «I just don’t see how anyone, Democrat or Republican, moves forward on this bill.»
That’s why many doubt the measure can score 60 votes twice to break a filibuster. The naysaying aggravates cryptocurrency advocates.
«This is the right bill at the right time, and it’s time to vote,» said Sen. Cynthia Lummis, R-Wy.
She argues that crypto supporters bowed to demands to firm up ethics rules.
«In 2023, we added 100 pages with stronger consumer protection provisions. Yet we got feedback from colleagues that they wanted more. So again, we listened. Today, this bill that was under 300 pages is more than 600 pages. That’s hundreds of pages built over 11 months of daily bipartisan negotiations in windowless rooms where colleagues from both parties shared their priorities, and we worked diligently to incorporate them,» said an exasperated Lummis.
Warren argues that the bill makes it easier for drug runners and terrorists to fund their operations — without a literal paper trail.
TED CRUZ URGES SENATE TO STAY IN WASHINGTON UNTIL PROTECT COLLEGE SPORTS ACT PASSES THIS WEEK
Senator Elizabeth Warren, a Democrat from Massachusetts and ranking member of the Senate Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs Committee, speaks during a hearing in Washington, D.C., on Thursday, Feb. 5, 2026. (Kent Nishimura / Bloomberg via Getty Images)
Lummis says if the U.S. doesn’t establish its cryptocurrency blueprint, digital assets could flee overseas.
«These companies can go to Singapore, Switzerland, the UAE and have a well-understood clear set of regulations,» said Lummis.
So that test vote is locked in. But it’s rare to pass a major financial regulatory measure this close to the midterms. And if Democrats prevail in November, that could create friction with the White House.
The Senate also expects a test vote before the end of September on a bill to regulate money in college sports. But there’s no specific agreement on a date for that roll call tally.
You know the old saying that there’s no such thing as bad publicity? Well, the «bad» publicity surrounding college football could potentially provide this legislation a boost.
President Trump implored senators to stay in Washington to finish the bill last month. But it wasn’t ready. However, controversies over former pro players heading back to college — to say nothing of clock maintenance at the University of Michigan — could prod skeptical senators to give this measure another look.
Let’s start with LSU tight end Dae’Quan Wright. If you can keep up with him.
Last year, Wright played for current LSU head coach Lane Kiffin last year at Ole Miss — before Kiffin abandoned his squad late in the season for the Tigers. Wright decided to go pro. The Philadelphia Eagles picked him up in the spring. But then waved Wright early last month. The Cleveland Browns then signed Wright. He dressed for a preseason game against the Buffalo Bills. Never played a snap. Then the Browns cut him.
So, Wright headed back to school. But this time, at LSU.
«I’m just putting on a college uniform again and going out there and having fun and embracing my opportunity,» said Wright.
A judge then cleared Wright and former Ole Miss defensive lineman Zxavian Harris to play for LSU this fall. But in between, Harris appeared in preseason camp with the New Orleans Saints — before the team waived him.
Drew Rosenhaus is Wright’s agent. He believes his client had no other option after his brief cup of coffee in the pros.
«His contract with the NFL was terminated,» said Rosenhaus. «If he was still able to play in the NFL, he would be there.»
Chaos like this is prodding lawmakers to try to regulate intercollegiate athletics.
«It’s not fair to the high school kids coming out to play college ball if you suddenly have colleges that are going and recruiting from the NFL,» said Senate Commerce Committee Chairman Ted Cruz, R-Texas.
Cruz teamed up with Sen. Maria Cantwell, D-Wash., the top Democrat on the Commerce panel, to craft the college athletics regulation measure.
One big restriction: the legislation limits athletes to one transfer.
«The transfer portal is out of control. You have athletes transferring two, three, four times. You have essentially no eligibility rules. So you have athletes competing six, seven, eight years. You have 28-year-olds competing against 17-year-old kids,» said Cruz.
The constant darting around from school to school worries the Trump administration, too.
LAWMAKERS PRAISE BIPARTISAN EFFORTS LED BY TRUMP ADMIN TO ‘PROTECT COLLEGE SPORTS FOR FUTURE GENERATIONS’
The U.S. Capitol building is shown in Washington, D.C. A Romanian man admitted to participating in a series of «swatting» calls that targeted members of Congress, as well as other government officials. (Heather Diehl/Getty Images)
«It’s a crazy system, man,» said Vice President JD Vance to colleague Lucas Tomlinson. «When I was growing up…you would get some loyalty, between the athletes and the fan bases. You would know the names of the people who played for your team because they were there for three or four years.»
The Cruz/Cantwell package also caps money schools can use for name, image and likeness, or NIL. And, considering the recent contretemps, the legislation bars athletes from going pro. Then reversing field to college.
The White House tapped legendary former Alabama football coach Nick Saban to push for passage of the bill.
«Join the winning team today and help Congress protect this American tradition,» says Saban in the commercial now airing around the country.
But even if the bill gets through the Senate, it faces an unclear path in the House. The House returns to session Monday, too. But it’s unclear how long its members will stick around with the midterms looming.
«I’ve had coach Saban in my office, and we’ve talked about this, and he’s right,» said House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La. «I think Congress is ready to act. But it takes both chambers.»
In other words, just like there’s a play clock in football, there’s a play clock in Congress, too.
«I appreciate the exuberance of our Senate colleagues,» said House Democratic Caucus Chairman Pete Aguilar, D-Calif. «But I don’t know if there’s enough days to get this done.»
Time may be the enemy of both the cryptocurrency bill and the college athletics bill. Lawmakers return to Capitol Hill with one foot practically out the door, headed back toward the airport.
It’s a Senate twofer. But if things don’t sail smoothly on either or both bills, there may be little reason to anchor lawmakers to Washington. And if lawmakers don’t address these bills now, potential legislative fixes may evaporate until the new Congress begins in January.
politics, congress, legislation, senate, ted cruz, elizabeth warren
INTERNACIONAL
Saudi Arabia tells Trump now is the time for military action as Iran-backed Houthis advance
Houthi rebels reportedly seize strategic Yemeni port as trade concerns mount
Fox News contributor Marc Thiessen joins Brian Kilmeade to discuss reports of Yemen’s Houthis seizing a strategic Red Sea port. Thiessen warns of the ongoing threat from a nuclear-armed Iran and analyzes President Trump’s past decisions on airstrikes. The conversation focuses on national security concerns and the broader geopolitical conflict in the Middle East.
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Saudi Arabia is urging Washington to take direct military action against Iran-backed Houthis, Fox News Digital learned after the terrorist group seized key positions along Yemen’s Bab al-Mandab Strait on Friday.
The dramatic strengthening of Houthi’s positioning along the coastline of Yemen is in one of the world’s most important shipping choke points — a narrow passage that links the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden, which has been used as a bypass as the Iran war continues to severely disrupt shipping, especially of oil, through the Strait of Hormuz.
The rapid advance on Friday triggered urgent discussions at the highest levels in Riyadh and Washington, and a source familiar with the matter tells Fox News Digital that Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman urged President Donald Trump to take military action against the Houthis.
NEW RISK FOR U.S. CONSUMERS AS IRAN-BACKED ATTACKS THREATEN A SECOND MAJOR OIL CHOKEPOINT
Houthi supporters demonstrate in solidarity with Iran, amid a two-week ceasefire between the U.S. and Iran, in Sanaa, Yemen, April 10, 2026. (Khaled Abdullah/Reuters)
The Houthis reached the strategic island of Mayyun, also known as Perim, after Yemeni government forces withdrew and also took the mainland coastal town of Dhubab, four Yemeni government sources told Reuters on Friday.
Fox News Digital independently confirmed key elements of an Axios report with a source familiar with the matter, who said the crown prince spoke with Trump a few times over the past 24 hours about the escalating situation in Yemen.
The U.S. does not want to take direct military action for now, but Trump told bin Salman that Washington would assist Saudi Arabia with intelligence and targeting support, according to the source.
The source also confirmed that U.S. Central Command commander Adm. Brad Cooper traveled to Saudi Arabia for coordination talks.
The White House did not respond to Fox News Digital’s request for comment on the calls or whether additional U.S. military action is under consideration.
IRAN’S BIGGEST WEAPON AGAINST THE U.S. MAY BE SLIPPING AWAY, EXPERTS SAY
U.S. President Donald Trump walks with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman during an official state arrival ceremony at the Saudi Royal Court on May 13, 2025, in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. (Win McNamee/Getty Images)
The convergence raises the prospect of simultaneous pressure on two of the world’s most consequential maritime arteries: Iran disrupting traffic through Hormuz while its Houthi allies strengthen their position around Bab al-Mandab.
Behnam Ben Taleblu, senior director of the Iran program at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, told Fox News Digital that the shift reflects Tehran’s effort to recover leverage as pressure around Hormuz changes.
«Trump’s success in pushing back on Iran’s maritime threat in the Strait of Hormuz and Persian Gulf has made the regime lose the maritime leverage it had, and now it is looking to double down on the Houthis who have proven to be able to impact Red Sea shipping and the Bab al-Mandab Strait in the past,» Ben Taleblu said.
«As Tehran loses leverage in the Strait of Hormuz, it is trying to wield a knife and a handshake at once: diplomacy with Arab states and a knife in the back via the Houthi offensive,» he added.
IRAN CALLS ON HOUTHIS TO PREPARE TO CUT OFF RED SEA GATEWAY — CAN THE TERROR GROUP DO IT?
Satellite imagery shows Bab al-Mandab Strait, a key shipping waterway and the gateway to the Red Sea, as Iran threatens using Yemen’s Houthi allies to shut the Bab al-Mandab gateway to the Red Sea, in this handout picture dated July 12, 2026. (Nasa Worldview/Handout via Reuters)
The latest advance follows the Houthis’ capture Thursday of the strategic Red Sea port of Mocha, which was previously held by forces aligned with Yemen’s internationally recognized government.
Former U.S. special envoy for Yemen Timothy Lenderking said Friday that the Houthis had spent the years since the 2022 U.N.-brokered truce rebuilding their military strength and are now exploiting the broader Iran conflict to increase pressure on Saudi Arabia.
Speaking during an on-the-record Middle East Institute virtual briefing, Lenderking said the April 2022 truce largely put Yemen’s civil war on pause but also «did allow the Houthis to regroup, retrain, refit, restock.»
«They’re extremely entrepreneurial. They use every opportunity to build their capability, to test their capabilities, such that they are now the most lethal non-state actor in the entire Middle East,» Lenderking said.
Lenderking traced the latest round of escalation in part to Iranian Mahan Air flights into Sanaa earlier this summer, which he said brought personnel and equipment intended to support the Houthi war effort, adding that the personnel were from Iran and were «probably IRGC members.»
IRAN-BACKED HOUTHI THREAT IN RED SEA COULD LEAD TO MAJOR U.S. POLICY SHIFT, ANALYSTS SAY
Members of the Saudi-backed Yemeni government forces fire a tank during what they say to be clashes with Yemen’s Iran-aligned Houthis in a location given as near Al-Hazm, Yemen, in this screen grab obtained from a handout video released September 9, 2026. (Media Centre Of The Yemeni Armed Forces/Handout via Reuters)
Lenderking said the Houthis are now taking advantage of the wider conflict with Iran to increase their leverage over Riyadh.
«They’ve seized this opportunity, bringing these various lines of effort together, to put a great deal of pressure on the Yemen government and the Saudis specifically,» he said.
On Thursday, a senior Trump administration official told Fox News Digital: «The United States is focused on protecting our core national security interests — such as ensuring freedom of navigation in the Red Sea — while empowering our regional partners to take the lead in managing and resolving regional security challenges. We are in continuous dialogue with Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Yemen Government regarding regional stability.»
The stakes extend well beyond Yemen.
The Bab al-Mandab is only about 18 miles wide at its narrowest point and serves as the southern gateway to the Suez Canal. About 7% of global oil output passed through the strait in June, according to Kpler data cited by Reuters. Disruption can force ships to reroute around Africa’s Cape of Good Hope, adding significant time and cost to voyages.
Reuters reported Friday that only seven vessels transited the Strait of Hormuz on Thursday, compared with a prewar daily average of 125, underscoring the pressure already facing the region’s other critical maritime choke point.
EXPERT WARNS OF ‘GENERAL ESCALATION’ OF FIGHTING IF HOUTHIS RESUME RED SEA CAMPAIGN
A vehicle burns after being attacked by Houthis during fighting with Saudi-backed forces at a location given as Al Jawf, Yemen, in this still image taken from a handout video released September 9, 2026. (Al Masirah/Handout via Reuters)
Ben Taleblu said the speed of the Houthi advance exposed vulnerabilities in the Saudi-led effort to contain the group.
«The U.S. should help the Saudis stymie the Houthi advance,» he said. «The inability of the Saudis to prevent the Houthis from taking the strategic port city of Mocha, for example, does not bode well for what may come.»
Hisham Al-Omeisy, senior Yemen adviser at the European Institute of Peace, told Fox News Digital on Thursday that the danger extends beyond the territory captured. Retreating government forces, he said, left behind military equipment that could strengthen the Houthis on other fronts.
«People are focused on taking Mocha and those outposts on the Red Sea,» Al-Omeisy said. «But the military side is terrible, particularly the equipment, the munitions, the vehicles, the drones that were at those military camps, which they can now, in turn, use against the government forces elsewhere.»
The developments mark a dramatic reversal from the relative calm that followed the 2022 truce and leave Washington and its regional allies confronting a growing question: whether the Houthi advance can be contained without opening another direct U.S. military front as American forces remain focused on Iran and the Strait of Hormuz.
middle east, war with iran, saudi arabia, iran, terrorism, world, politics
Hace poco alguien que no encontraba respuesta para sus desatinos invocó, sin mucho análisis, una carta que Mujica me escribió hace casi 11 años. El esfuerzo fue patético. Nadie va a discutir la dimensión política de José Mujica, lo que significa su pensamiento, y nunca he desconocido que ha sido mi maestro y referente principal en la política. Por supuesto, tuvimos diferencias y las mismas fueron públicas y notorias, están lo suficientemente documentadas como para que sean negadas por nadie.
Dado que el gobierno de Venezuela inició en agosto de 2015 la deportación masiva de ciudadanos colombianos, incluso niños -personas cuyas casas fueron marcadas en una demostración de puro fascismo- decidimos tomar acciones. Frente a esa crisis humanitaria generada por un régimen abyecto, iniciamos un proceso de asistencia humanitaria con el envío inmediato de fondos y, atendiendo a la invitación que me formuló el alcalde de Cúcuta, ciudad afectada por esta crisis, nos preparamos para viajar a dicha ciudad para ofrecer ayuda y sentar las bases de la posterior instalación de una escuela temporal con la que atender a los niños afectados por la situación. Cerca de 18.000 personas muy humildes resultaron afectadas por las deportaciones.
El tema había sido llevado a votación en el Consejo Permanente, en el que Colombia perdió y, por lo tanto, ulteriores actuaciones en ese ámbito quedaban prácticamente cerradas. El gobierno bolivariano se pagó y se dio el vuelto, al decir que esa imposibilidad de actuación de la OEA (que ellos habían bloqueado) demostraba la inutilidad de la organización.
El mismo día de la votación recibimos la invitación del alcalde de Cúcuta para conocer la situación de la ciudad y de la zona. Acepté inmediatamente. Eso desencadenó una serie de eventos, entre ellos, algunas personas del sector público colombiano que procuraron desacreditar al alcalde, en segundo lugar, la reacción en mi propio país.
Recibí esa noche la llamada de mi exjefe, mentor y maestro político, quien me dijo que una personalidad del régimen lo había llamado; obviamente, me dio su nombre, y que le había dicho que, si yo iba a Cúcuta, me iban a declarar persona non grata. Eso me obligó a responder con claridad, le dije a Mujica que quien se creía que era ese personaje, que se fuera a …(y dije una serie de malas palabras) y que lo único que me quedaba claro luego de esa amenaza era que iba a ir a Cúcuta.
A la hora me llamó un asesor para decirme que lo había llamado Mujica y que le había dicho que Maduro lo había llamado y le había pedido por favor que yo no fuera a Cúcuta y que él me pedía por favor que yo no fuera. Ese fue el momento más duro de mi gestión. Ese pedido “por favor” me sacó de los cimientos y esa noche fue la única en los 10 años en que no pude dormir. Al día siguiente le escribí para comunicarle mi decisión de ir por las mismas razones por las que él decía que hacía política, por defender a los más humildes en momentos de necesidad, por defender sus derechos humanos.
Luego de ese entredicho tuvimos un impasse de 0 comunicación, pero se ve que mi carta a Tibisay Lucena (en ese momento presidenta del CNE) el 10 de noviembre de 2015 en la cual le exigía elecciones libres, justas y transparentes en Venezuela, así como denunciaba la existencia de presos políticos, de torturados, ataques a la libertad de prensa y libertad de expresión, persecución política, proscripciones (entre ellas la de María Corina Machado) y de ejecuciones extrajudiciales; todo eso fue demasiado para el régimen y un nuevo contacto con Mujica, como los ya referidos, implicó su respuesta al respecto en una carta del 18 de noviembre cuyo contenido era lo que Hannah Arendt llamaba la “banalización del mal”, por supuesto no rebatía ninguno de los puntos contenidos en mi carta, sino que se refería a generalizaciones de la política y de la economía como ser que Venezuela era un país dependiente de la renta petrolera, dependiente de la importación de alimentos, con desequilibrios monetarios, que se necesitan albañiles y no jueces, se refería de manera genérica a las deportaciones masivas de Maduro y trataba de inferir una acusación completamente falsa de que yo no me había referido específicamente a otros países de Latinoamérica -lo cual cualquier persona informada un 1% sabía que ese intento de acusación de doble estándar era absolutamente falaz. Pero evitaba referirse a los temas puntuales que yo expresaba, la situación de la democracia en Venezuela, la situación de los derechos humanos, especialmente los derechos civiles y políticos, todos ellos temas que, si hubieran sido abordados con firmeza y dignidad por su parte, quizás hubiéramos podido evitar el descalabro total venezolano que se hacía realidad día a día, lo que terminó constituyéndose en crisis humanitaria y la peor crisis migratoria de la historia del hemisferio. Y toda esa “banalización del mal” era para decirme adiós y que yo había tomado otro camino. Sí, había tomado otro camino y no era la primera vez que el tema Derechos Humanos nos separaba, ya había pasado cuando dijo “se me escapó el Canciller” cuando activé y renové los ataques contra la ley de impunidad para crimenes de lesa humanidad en Uruguay.
Mi respuesta fue pública y fue fuerte, tanto como la crisis venezolana lo ameritaba, al respecto una transcripción de prensa ““En cuanto al contenido de la carta, me reafirmo en cada uno de los párrafos de las 18 páginas que tiene la misma, me hago responsable de eso en términos absolutos”, dijo Almagro en una rueda de prensa en respuesta a una pregunta de Efe en el marco de la V Reunión de Ministros en Materia de Seguridad Públicas de las Américas que se celebra en Lima.
“Reiteraría hoy, cada uno de los conceptos expresados en la misma, (y) si eso es motivo de diferencias, está bienvenida la diferencia”, afirmó en referencia al rechazo expresado por el expresidente uruguayo José Mujica a la misiva de su excanciller” como señalaba el medio “runrun”.
No son tantos quienes hemos condenado las violaciones de Derechos Humanos a izquierda y derecha, no somos tantos quienes hemos trabajado para que haya justicia por crimenes de lesa humanidad de la izquierda y la derecha. Haber actuado dignamente, enfrentando esos extremos cuando otros se escondían, es algo que hace a mi dignidad política, y no voy a permitir que personajillos menores de la política hagan como que no saben ni entienden de qué se trata.
No sé qué llevó a Mujica a escribir una carta que hacía mucha mella en su legado y que lo mostraba indulgente con los crímenes de lesa humanidad y la crisis de la democracia que vivía Venezuela cuando años más tarde él criticó a esta misma dictadura. Si se lo que llevó a personajes menores de la política de utilizarla nuevamente once años después, es cuando la mediocridad no permite encontrar respuestas propias. Se dijo que había tomado otro camino, era el mismo camino de defensa del Derecho y de los más vulnerables que yo había tomado el primer día que empecé a hacer política. Y me hago cargo de eso cada vez que sea necesario.
*Luis Almagro/Instituto CASLA
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