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American tourists arrested in Japan after alleged break-in at viral monkey Punch’s enclosure

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Two American nationals were reportedly arrested in Japan on Sunday after one allegedly entered the enclosure of Punch, the young macaque at Ichikawa City Zoo who became famous online for his inseparable bond with a stuffed orangutan toy.

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Videos circulating online appear to show a person dressed in an emoji costume climbing over a barrier into the Japanese macaque enclosure before dropping a small stuffed toy near the animals, startling them and causing them to retreat, according to Agence France-Presse (AFP).

The suspects were identified as a 24-year-old college student and a 27-year-old self-described singer, AFP reported.

PUNCH THE MONKEY, VIRAL STAR, EXPERIENCES DRAMATIC BREAKTHROUGH AMONG ZOO MATES

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This photo taken on Feb. 19, 2026 shows Punch sitting with his stuffed orangutan toy at Ichikawa City Zoo. (JIJI PRESS / AFP via Getty Images)

Zoo staff quickly intervened, and authorities said neither suspect made physical contact with the monkeys, according to AFP.

Ichikawa Police told AFP the two men were arrested on suspicion of forcible obstruction of business.

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One suspect was not cooperating with police, while the other denied the allegations, according to reports citing NHK.

In a statement posted to X on May 17, Ichikawa City Zoo confirmed the pair had been turned over to police and said safety inspections were conducted afterward. 

ORPHANED BABY MONKEY FINDS COMFORT IN STUFFED ANIMAL AFTER BEING ABANDONED BY MOTHER AT BIRTH

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Baby monkey named 'Punch' is seen with a stuffed animal at a zoo on February 20, 2026

Punch is seen with his stuffed animal on Feb. 20, 2026. (Photo by David Mareuil/Anadolu via Getty Images)

Officials added that no animals were injured during the incident.

«Around 10:50 today, there was an intruder in Saruyama,» the zoo wrote. «We are informing you that the two individuals, including the intruder in question, have been handed over to the police.»

The zoo also announced temporary viewing-area closures and enhanced security measures while operations continued as scheduled.

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SEVERAL MONKEYS STILL ON THE LOOSE IN ST LOUIS AS OFFICIALS CALL OFF SEARCH FOR ROAMING ANIMALS

Punch-kun carries orangutan stuffie

Punch became a viral sensation earlier this year after zoo staff gave him a stuffed orangutan toy for comfort.  (@20230605x_x via Storyful)

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The monkey had been abandoned by his mother shortly after birth in July 2025, prompting zookeepers to hand-raise him.

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Fox News Digital’s Khloe Quill contributed to this report.



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Trump’s Taiwan ‘negotiating chip’ remark sparks alarm over how far he’d shift US-China policy

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President Donald Trump suggested Friday that U.S. arms sales to Taiwan could factor into broader negotiations with China, drawing a swift response from Taiwan’s president and reigniting debate in Washington about the future of longstanding U.S. policy toward the island.

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Asked by Fox News whether he would move forward with a delayed $14 billion weapons package for Taiwan, Trump replied: «I’m holding that in abeyance, and it depends on China. It’s a very good negotiating chip for us, frankly. It’s a lot of weapons.» 

Taiwan President Lai Ching-te pushed back hours later, calling U.S. arms sales «the most vital deterrent» to regional conflict and insisting Taiwan «shall never be sacrificed or traded away.»

Trump’s comments came as the administration continues to hold up a $14 billion Taiwan weapons package first approved in principle in late 2025, fueling growing debate in Washington over whether Trump is steering U.S. policy back toward a more traditional form of «strategic ambiguity» — or recasting support for Taiwan through a more openly transactional lens tied to broader negotiations with Beijing.

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CHINA PROMISES ‘COUNTERMEASURES’ TO US ARMS SALE TO TAIWAN

The White House pushed back on suggestions that Trump’s remarks signaled a retreat from longstanding U.S. support for Taiwan.

A senior administration official told Fox News Digital that Trump «will make a determination in a fairly short time» regarding a new Taiwan arms package and noted the president approved $11.1 billion in arms sales to Taiwan in December 2025.

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The official also argued Trump’s record on Taiwan arms sales exceeded that of previous administrations, saying Trump approved more sales during his first term «than any other president in history» and more in his first year back in office than former President Joe Biden approved across his entire presidency.

President Donald Trump suggested that U.S. arms sales to Taiwan could factor into broader negotiations with China.  (Ann Wang/File Photo/Reuters)

Xi Jinping and Donald Trump visit Temple of Heaven during Beijing summit.

President Donald Trump and Chinese leader Xi Jinping listened to each other on Taiwan, but Trump stressed he did not give in to Xi’s claims of control over Taiwan, declining to assure Xi the U.S. would not defend Taiwan against a Chinese invasion.  (Brendan Smialowski – Pool/Getty Images)

Ahead of Trump’s recent summit with Chinese President Xi Jinping, bipartisan lawmakers warned in a letter that «American support for Taiwan is not up for negotiation.»

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The Taiwan issue already had emerged as one of the most sensitive flashpoints surrounding Trump’s mid-May summit with Xi in Beijing. 

Following the meeting, China’s foreign ministry said Xi warned Trump that Taiwan remained the «most important issue» in U.S.–China relations and cautioned that mishandling it could lead to «clashes and even conflicts» between the two powers.

The White House later downplayed the exchange, with a senior administration official telling Fox News Digital both sides had simply reiterated their longstanding positions on Taiwan.

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For decades, U.S. policy toward Taiwan has rested on a posture of «strategic ambiguity» — supporting Taiwan’s self-defense while avoiding an explicit commitment to militarily defend the island in the event of a Chinese attack.

Trump’s comments prompted competing reactions among foreign policy analysts, with some China hawks warning that treating Taiwan arms sales as negotiable could weaken deterrence and unsettle U.S. allies in the Indo-Pacific, while others argued the remarks reflected a return to a more traditional interpretation of strategic ambiguity after years of increasingly explicit U.S. signaling toward Taiwan.

TAIWAN RAMPS UP COAST GUARD AND MILITARY READINESS IN FACE OF BEIJING’S ‘GRAY ZONE’ WARFARE

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«Trading Taiwan’s security for rhetoric from Beijing would be a strategic blunder of historic proportions,» said retired Rear Adm. Mark Montgomery, a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies think tank. «If the president does not proceed with the arms sale to Taiwan, he will jeopardize U.S.–Taiwan relations and weaken U.S. credibility globally.»

Bonnie Glaser, managing director of the Indo-Pacific Program at the German Marshall Fund think tank, argued Trump’s comments blurred an important distinction at the center of longstanding U.S. Taiwan policy.

«Strategic ambiguity has nothing to do with providing arms to Taiwan,» Glaser told Fox News Digital. It only refers to whether the U.S. will defend Taiwan if attacked, she said. 

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«The Taiwan Relations Act requires that the United States sell defensive arms to Taiwan. No president has ever said that U.S. arms sales to Taiwan are a useful bargaining chip.»

But some foreign policy analysts argued Trump’s comments reflected a deliberate effort to re-center U.S. policy around American priorities.

TRUMP LEAVES CHINA WITH BREAKTHROUGHS — AND UNFINISHED BUSINESS ON XI’S BIGGEST FIGHTS

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«Trump has shaken up the Taiwan debate in Washington to a large extent,» Lyle Goldstein, director of Asia engagement at Defense Priorities, told Fox News Digital.

U.S. President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping reviewing honor guard at Great Hall of the People

The Taiwan issue had already emerged as one of the most sensitive flashpoints surrounding Trump’s mid-May summit with Xi in Beijing.  (Alex Wong/Getty Images)

Goldstein argued Trump’s comments reflected a return to a more restrained interpretation of «strategic ambiguity» after years of increasingly explicit U.S. signaling toward Taiwan under the Biden administration.

«Overall, his approach has been to return U.S. policy to ‘strategic ambiguity,’ especially in contrast to the Biden administration, which was lurching dangerously toward ‘strategic clarity,’ that threatened to spark a near-term U.S.–China war,» Goldstein said.

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During his presidency, former President Joe Biden repeatedly suggested the United States would defend Taiwan militarily in the event of a Chinese attack — comments critics said pushed Washington closer toward «strategic clarity,» even as White House officials maintained there had been no formal policy change.

Critics argued Biden’s remarks heightened tensions with Beijing, while supporters said the comments strengthened deterrence against potential Chinese aggression.

Goldstein argued Trump’s willingness to openly discuss Taiwan arms sales in the context of broader U.S.–China negotiations reflects a more restrained approach aimed at preserving stability between Washington and Beijing.

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«Indeed, with these fresh comments Trump recognizes that both sides are responsible for maintaining peace across the Taiwan Strait,» Goldstein said. «He even went so far as to sternly admonish the leadership in Taipei for unnecessary risk-taking.»

Trump has long taken a more transactional approach toward Taiwan than many traditional U.S. foreign policy hawks, previously arguing the island should pay the United States for its defense and accusing Taiwan of «stealing» America’s semiconductor industry.

He has also repeatedly framed Taiwan through the lens of semiconductor competition and supply-chain dependence, arguing the United States should reclaim a larger share of advanced chip manufacturing.

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«Trump’s new reflections on Taiwan illustrate an informed approach that recognizes the basic and fundamental truth that Taiwan is not a vital U.S. national security interest and that the U.S.-China relationship far outweighs the U.S.-Taiwan relationship in importance,» Goldstein added.

The central question now facing lawmakers and U.S. allies is whether Trump’s rhetoric will ultimately affect the timing or conditions surrounding the pending Taiwan weapons package — a test many analysts see as critical to understanding how the administration intends to approach Taiwan going forward.

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INTERNACIONAL

Dejen de buscar una salida en Irán

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La guerra con Irán apenas había comenzado cuando empezó la búsqueda de una salida.

«Exclusiva: Trump baraja «vías de escape» tras atacar a Irán», informó Axios el 28 de febrero, el mismo día en que Estados Unidos e Israel comenzaron a bombardear objetivos.

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«Es demasiado pronto para «vías de escape» con Irán», replicó al día siguiente el consejo editorial de The Wall Street Journal, sugiriendo que las capacidades militares de Irán debían ser destruidas antes de que la administración Trump buscara una salida.

Otros medios de comunicación pronto adoptaron la metáfora.

«¿A medida que continúa la guerra con Irán, cuáles son las posibles salidas para Trump?», preguntó NPR.

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BBC News informó que «la estrategia de Trump con Irán consiste en buscar dos salidas a la vez», una estrategia que no recomendaría.

The New York Times describió el acuerdo de alto el fuego a principios de abril como «una salida de último momento», y el programa «Washington Week with The Atlantic» de PBS se reunió la semana pasada para analizar «la lucha de Trump por encontrar una salida a la guerra con Irán».

Una salida de la autopista implica una vía de escape segura y sencilla, una opción especialmente atractiva si resulta que la autopista no te lleva a donde esperabas.

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¿Demasiados atascos, accidentes o baches en esta «pequeña excursión», como el presidente Donald Trump llamó al conflicto con Irán?

Simplemente toma la salida y vuelve a la normalidad, y deja atrás la guerra.

Incluso la administración utiliza el término.

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«Irán busca una salida tras su enérgica amenaza», le dijo Steve Witkoff, enviado especial de Estados Unidos para Oriente Medio, a Trump en una reunión de gabinete en marzo, refiriéndose a la advertencia del presidente de que «destruiría» las centrales eléctricas del país si los líderes iraníes no reabrían el estrecho de Ormuz.

(No acataron la advertencia, y él no cumplió su promesa).

David Sacks, inversor de capital riesgo e influyente asesor tecnológico de la Casa Blanca, ha argumentado que Trump debería simplemente proclamar la victoria y «retirarse» del conflicto.

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«Deberíamos intentar encontrar una salida», afirmó Sacks.

Vías

Sin embargo, una vía de escape de la guerra rara vez te devuelve a las carreteras que antes recorrías o al mundo que conocías.

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Estados Unidos no encontrará una salida al statu quo de antes de la guerra.

El conflicto ha cambiado los mapas, y ahora todos los caminos conducen a un lugar nuevo.

La guerra ha revelado que el régimen iraní es mucho más resistente y capaz de lo que esperaban las autoridades estadounidenses, deslumbradas por la rapidez de la operación contra Nicolás Maduro en Venezuela.

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Irán podría salir fortalecido no solo por haber plantado cara a una superpotencia, sino también con una mayor influencia sobre una economía global más vulnerable que nunca a las frágiles cadenas de suministro y los puntos estratégicos vitales.

La guerra ha mermado el arsenal de armas de Estados Unidos, lo que nos deja menos preparados para responder a posibles crisis en otros lugares; también ha demostrado cómo la tecnología de drones de bajo costo está cambiando la naturaleza —y elevando los costos— de la guerra moderna.

El conflicto también ha supuesto una bonanza económica para el presidente ruso Vladimir Putin, incrementando los ingresos petroleros del país y aliviando las sanciones.

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Ha fortalecido la posición de China, expandiendo su influencia en los mercados energéticos regionales, aumentando su dominio global y quizás despertando su interés por una incursión propia, por ejemplo, en Taiwán.

Hace dos décadas, Estados Unidos instó a China a convertirse en un «actor responsable» en el sistema internacional. Ahora, mientras Trump y el presidente Xi Jinping se reúnen en Pekín, ¿qué país tiene mayor credibilidad para asumir ese papel?

Ahora, cuando el Trump y el presidente Xi Jinping se reúnen en Beijing, ¿qué país tiene mayor credibilidad para asumir ese papel?

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Al debilitar aún más los ya frágiles lazos entre Washington y sus aliados tradicionales, la guerra ha socavado cualquier pretensión estadounidense de liderazgo global.

Trump está abandonando la OTAN, de facto si no de jure, y la «ruptura» al orden mundial sobre la que advirtió este año el primer ministro canadiense Mark Carney es ahora evidente para todos.

Nos encontramos en el tercer mes de una guerra que Trump prometió que duraría solo unas semanas, una lucha de la que a menudo se jactaba de que iba «adelantada a lo previsto».

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Trump y el primer ministro israelí, Benjamin Netanyahu, dieron a entender en entrevistas recientes que la batalla está lejos de haber terminado, y las exigencias máximas de Irán —reparaciones por parte de Washington, soberanía sobre el estrecho de Ormuz, el fin de las sanciones— demuestran lo lejos que está realmente cualquier salida.

Basta con preguntarle al vicepresidente JD Vance, quien, según se informa, fue uno de los primeros escépticos de la guerra con Irán, y que recientemente, durante un discurso en Iowa, llegó a calificar el conflicto como «un pequeño incidente».

Fingir que la guerra no tiene mayor importancia podría ser la forma más insensata de evadir la responsabilidad; Trump también ha minimizado el conflicto, calificándolo de «miniguerra«.

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Fantasías

Los líderes estadounidenses han fantaseado durante mucho tiempo con vías de escape de la guerra, aunque hayan utilizado términos diferentes.

Richard Nixon prometió «paz con honor» como salida de Vietnam; Barack Obama se comprometió a una «transición responsable» de las fuerzas estadounidenses fuera de Afganistán.

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La administración Clinton incluyó una «estrategia de salida» como componente esencial de la planificación de cualquier despliegue militar en su Estrategia de Seguridad Nacional de 1994.

«¿Tenemos cronogramas e hitos que revelen el alcance del éxito o el fracaso y, en cualquier caso, tenemos una estrategia de salida?», se preguntaba.

En un ensayo publicado en Foreign Affairs en 1998, Gideon Rose criticó la «ilusión» de la estrategia de salida.

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«La idea de una estrategia de salida contribuye a la falsa noción de que las intervenciones militares son tareas mecánicas, como construir una cocina nueva», escribió, «en lugar de contiendas estratégicas marcadas por la fricción y la incertidumbre».

La obsesión con la estrategia de salida puede indicar falta de determinación al enemigo; si el liderazgo estadounidense se centra en retirarse, nuestros adversarios pueden atrincherarse, como lo está haciendo Irán, y simplemente esperar a que nos retiremos.

El imperativo de la estrategia de salida también convierte la retirada de las fuerzas estadounidenses en un objetivo —en lugar de una consecuencia— de una operación militar exitosa, mezclando así fines y medios.

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«La cuestión clave no es cómo nos vamos», argumentó Rose, «sino por qué entramos».

Y esa es una pregunta que la administración Trump, con tantas explicaciones y justificaciones contradictorias, no ha respondido claramente en Irán.

Una vía de escape es una versión aún más débil de una estrategia de salida.

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Al menos, la estrategia de salida aparenta ser estratégica, tener un objetivo definido y sopesado junto con otros.

Pero cuando uno solo quiere salir de la autopista cuanto antes, cualquier vía sirve.

Resulta tan predecible como espantoso que, según Reuters, la administración haya pedido a sus agencias de inteligencia que evalúen cómo reaccionaría Irán si Trump simplemente declarara la victoria y diera por terminada una guerra que, al parecer, le resulta aburrida.

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Trump prometió que no habría más guerras interminables; Irán podría ser objeto de su guerra, sea cual sea.

Opciones

Hoy parece improbable cualquier salida.

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El presidente ha calificado la última lista de demandas de Irán como una «basura», ha ridiculizado a los líderes iraníes llamándolos «estúpidos» y ha declarado que el alto el fuego alcanzado a principios de abril está en estado crítico.

El próximo mes se cumplirá un año desde que Trump afirmó que el programa nuclear iraní había sido aniquilado por la Operación Martillo de Medianoche; sin embargo, permanece estancado en una guerra que prácticamente no ha logrado ninguno de sus objetivos declarados y que corre el riesgo de dejar a Irán en una posición geopolítica más fuerte y menos perjudicado militarmente de lo que ha afirmado la administración.

Ni siquiera un acuerdo que le permita salvar las apariencias —uno que le permita a Trump decir que ganó y asegurar a los estadounidenses que su acuerdo es mejor que el que negoció la administración Obama y que Trump desechó durante su primer mandato— podrá deshacer el daño que ha causado el conflicto ni la debilidad que ha revelado.

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En tiempos de guerra, las salidas de emergencia rara vez están bien señalizadas o bien pavimentadas.

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Senate Republican threatens to derail ICE, Border Patrol package over Trump’s billion-dollar request

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An internal dispute could derail Republicans’ goal of funding immigration operations for the remainder of President Donald Trump’s presidency. 

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Sen. Thom Tillis, R-N.C., told his colleagues that he would not support the GOP’s $72 billion reconciliation package if it included $1 billion in funding for Trump’s ballroom. 

His defection, along with a handful of other Republicans critical of the funding, could sink the bill. 

SENATE REPUBLICANS BALK AT $1B WHITE HOUSE BALLROOM REQUEST: ‘YOU MADE THAT NUMBER UP’

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Sen. Thom Tillis, R-N.C., told his colleagues that he would not support the upcoming budget reconciliation package if it included $1 billion for President Donald Trump’s ballroom. (Andrew Harnik/Getty Images; Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

And given the GOP’s narrow margin in the upper chamber, Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., can’t afford Republicans to break from the party line.

Tillis’ opposition, which was first reported by Axios and confirmed by a source familiar to Fox News Digital, alone isn’t enough to torpedo the package meant to fund Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and Border Patrol for the next three and a half years. 

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But others, including Sens. John Curtis, R-Utah, Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska, Susan Collins, R-Maine, and Rick Scott, R-Fla., aren’t thrilled with the funding. 

Republicans were briefed by Secret Service Director Sean Curran last week on the funding, which included $220 million for «White House complex hardening.»

REPUBLICANS SLIP $1 BILLION IN TAXPAYER MONEY FOR TRUMP BALLROOM SECURITY IN ICE, BORDER PATROL PACKAGE

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That would fund «above and below ground» security enhancements for Trump’s ballroom, which the administration argued would «afford needed protection for the president, his family, and visitors, along with the below-ground, highest-level security functions,» according to an itemized readout obtained by Fox News Digital. 

Those enhancements would include bulletproof glass, drone detection technology, chemical filtration and detection systems and «a host of other national security functions.» 

An additional $180 million would go toward a White House screening center for visitors. The remaining $600 million would go toward Secret Service training, enhancing protection for Trump and other officials, and other security measures including countering drones and other aerial incursions.

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But a saving grace for Republicans could be the Senate referee’s ruling that funding for the ballroom should get yanked from the package. 

In order for budget reconciliation to pause the 60-vote threshold and pass under a simple majority of votes, the package has to comply with the Senate’s strict Byrd Rule. Senate Democrats pushed for the Senate Parliamentarian Elizabeth MacDonough to strip out the funding, and they were successful.

SEVERAL PROVISIONS FAIL TO PASS MUSTER WITH SENATE RULES IN ‘BIG, BEAUTIFUL BILL’

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President Trump and the First Lady join the royal couple for a photo

President Trump and first lady Melania Trump join the royal couple for a photo in front of a model of the new presidential ballroom at the White House. (Aaron Chown/AFP via Getty Images)

McDonough ruled over the weekend that, given the complexity and scale of the ballroom project, it would involve the coordination of «many government agencies which span the jurisdiction of many Senate committees. As drafted, the provision inappropriately funds activities outside the jurisdiction of the Judiciary Committee.»

Thune said that Republicans had learned a lot from the parliamentarian’s rulings last year when they were crafting the «big, beautiful bill,» and that the process is a «give-and-take.» 

But still, it’s full steam ahead for the GOP to try and advance the package by the end of the week. 

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«I think that if we can get it done, we should get it done,» Thune said. «I’m always somebody who believes, especially around here, you want to strike while the iron’s hot, and I think if we, if we’re ready to go, the committees have acted, and we’re in a good place with parliamentarian, and we’ve got, you know, decent attendance here, then I think we want to try and wrap this up.»

Sen. Jeff Merkley, D-Ore., the top Democrat on the Senate Budget Committee, lauded the ruling, but noted that Republicans would likely try to find a way to work the funding back in. 

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«We cannot let Republicans waste our national treasure on a mission of chaos and corruption while turning a blind eye to the needs of the American people,» Merkley said.

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