INTERNACIONAL
As Trump forces NATO to pay up, alliance races to close military gap with US
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This is part one of a series examining the challenges confronting the NATO alliance.
NATO has become a «bloated architecture» too dependent on American military power, former senior national security advisor Keith Kellogg told Fox News Digital.
As President Donald Trump pressures NATO allies to spend more on defense — ordering the withdrawal of 5,000 U.S. troops from Germany and signaling possible cuts in Spain and Italy — a deeper concern is emerging inside the alliance: despite years of rising European defense budgets, NATO still depends heavily on American military power, from missile defense and intelligence to logistics and nuclear deterrence.
The growing gap between political commitments and real military capability is now fueling calls for structural changes inside the alliance as NATO confronts mounting threats from Russia and instability in the Middle East.
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NATO’s imbalance is not theoretical — and it is not new, retired Lt. Gen. Keith Kellogg told Fox News Digital, «I told the president… maybe you ought to talk about a tiered relationship with NATO,» Kellogg described conversations with Trump in his first term about the alliance’s future. «…we need to develop a new, for lack of a better term, a new NATO a new defensive alignment with Europe.»
Kellogg added the alliance has expanded politically but not militarily — creating what he sees as a growing gap between commitments and real capability.
NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte, President Donald Trump and Britain’s Prime Minister Keir Starmer pose during the NATO Heads of State and Government summit in The Hague, Netherlands, on June 25, 2025. (Ben Stansall/Pool/Reuters)
«You started with 12, and you went to 32, and in the process, I think you diluted the impact,» he argued, calling today’s NATO «a very bloated architecture.»
«They haven’t put the money into defense. Their defense industry and defense forces have atrophied. When you look at the Brits right now, they could barely deploy forces: they have two aircraft carriers, both under maintenance. Their brigades are like one out of six that work. And you just look at the capability, it’s just not there. So I think we need to realize that and say, well, we need something different,» Kellogg, who is the co-chair of the Center for American Security at the America First Foreign Policy Institute, told Fox News Digital.
But not everyone agrees the alliance is losing relevance.
«It has never been more relevant,» said John R. Deni, a research professor at the U.S. Army War College, who says NATO remains central to U.S. national security.
«The reason for that is twofold,» he said. «One, it’s our comparative advantage versus the Chinese and the Russians… they don’t have anything like this.»
«And the second reason… NATO underwrites the security and stability of our most important trade and investment relationship,» he added, referring to economic ties between North America and Europe.
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NATO chiefs of defense hold a meeting in Brussels on Aug. 20, 2025, with screens displaying allied leaders joining remotely to discuss Ukraine. (Fox News)
Dependence: Design or Weakness?
By around 2010, the United States accounted for roughly 65% to 70% of NATO defense spending, according to analysis provided by Barak Seener from the Henry Jackson Society, a London-based think tank.
«They’ve always been dependent on the U.S.,» Kellogg said of the European allies.
«The allies overall rely upon one another for deterrence and defense by design,» Deni said, explaining that alliances exist to «pool their resources» and «aggregate their individual strengths.»
Deni pointed to ground forces as a clear example of what the U.S. gains from the alliance, noting that «there are far more allied mechanized infantry forces on the ground than there are Americans.»
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Still, he acknowledged that reliance has at times gone too far.
«In the past… it was fair to say that the European allies were overly reliant upon the Americans for conventional defense,» he said, pointing to the 2000s.
That, he said, was partly driven by U.S. priorities — as Washington pushed European allies to focus on wars in Afghanistan and Iraq rather than territorial defense.
A Polish Army soldier sits in a tank as a NATO flag flies behind during the NATO Noble Jump VJTF exercises on June 18, 2015, in Zagan, Poland. (Sean Gallup/Getty Images)
Seener describes NATO as «formally collective, but functionally asymmetric,» with the U.S. providing a disproportionate share of «high-end capabilities.»
That asymmetry is most visible in nuclear deterrence.
Seener said the U.S. provides the overwhelming majority of NATO’s nuclear arsenal — including intercontinental ballistic missiles, submarine-launched systems and strategic bombers — meaning deterrence ultimately relies on the assumption of U.S. retaliation.
A NATO official told Fox News Digital that, «The U.S. nuclear deterrent cannot be replaced, but it is clear that Europe needs to step up. There’s no question. There needs to be a better balance when it comes to our defense and security. Both because we see the vital role the U.S. plays around the world and the resources that it demands, and also because it is only fair.»
«The good news,» the official added, «is that the Allies are doing exactly that. They are stepping up, working together — and with the U.S. — to ensure we collectively have what we need to deter and defend one billion people living across the Euro-Atlantic area.»
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Boeing CH-47 Chinook helicopters of the U.S. Army 12th Combat Aviation Brigade fly over a Lithuanian Vilkas infantry fighting vehicle during the Allied Spirit 25 military exercise near Hohenfels, Germany, on March 12, 2025.
The Systems NATO Cannot Replace
Beyond nuclear weapons, the dependence runs through the alliance’s operational backbone.
Seener pointed to U.S.-provided intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance — as well as logistics and command systems — as essential to NATO operations.
«Without U.S. intelligence and surveillance, NATO loses situational awareness and early warning capabilities,» Seener said, adding, «So that means that Russia, for example, can attack Europe. And theoretically, if there’s no NATO and the U.S. is not involved, Europe would not be aware, or it would take it too long to be able to defend itself.»
Kellogg also says that much of Europe’s military capability falls short of top-tier systems.
«For the most part, their equipment, if you had to grade it A, B, C, D, E, F, they’re kind of like B players or C players,» he said. «It’s not the first line of work.»
He pointed to air and missile defense as a key gap, noting that while European countries rely on U.S.-made systems such as Patriot and THAAD, «they don’t have a system that’s comparable.»
Kellogg attributed that to years of underinvestment, saying European defense industries «have atrophied,» adding that the United States is also now «relearning that as well.»
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President Donald Trump and Poland’s President Andrzej Duda talk during a working lunch at the NATO leaders summit in Watford, Britain, on Dec. 4, 2019. (Kevin Lamarque/Reuters)
Deni said the picture today is more mixed.
«Alliance defense spending has been up… and has spiked far more after 2022,» he said, pointing to Russia’s invasion of Crimea in 2014 as a turning point.
But he cautioned that capability gains take time, noting that many improvements are still years away from full deployment.
Deni pointed to recent European purchases of U.S. systems as evidence of growing capability, noting that countries including Poland, Romania, Norway and Denmark are acquiring the F-35 fighter jet from the U.S.
«You can’t build an F-35 overnight,» he said, adding that many of these improvements will take years to fully materialize.
A NATO official told Fox News Digital the alliance «needs to move further and faster» to meet growing threats, pointing to new capability targets agreed by defense ministers in June 2025.
Keith Kellogg speaks during the Warsaw Security Forum on Sept. 30, 2025, in Poland. (Marek Antoni Iwanczuk/NurPhoto via Getty Images)
The official said priorities include air and missile defense, long-range weapons, logistics and large land forces, noting that while details remain classified, plans call for a fivefold increase in air and missile defense, «thousands more» armored vehicles and tanks, and «millions more» artillery shells. NATO also aims to double key enabling capabilities such as logistics, transportation and medical support.
The official added that allies are increasing investments in warships, aircraft, drones, long-range missiles, as well as space and cyber capabilities, while boosting readiness and modernizing command and control.
«These targets are now included in national plans,» the official said, adding that allies must demonstrate how they will meet them through sustained defense spending and capability development.
The NATO official also noted that European allies lead multinational forces across Central and Eastern Europe, while the U.S. and Canada serve as framework nations in Poland and Latvia, alongside ongoing air policing missions and NATO’s KFOR operation in Kosovo.
A Swedish Air Force JAS 39 Gripen fighter aircraft takes off from southern Sweden on April 2, 2011. (AP Photo/Scanpix/Patric Soderstrom, File)
What happens if the U.S. is stretched?
Kellogg’s warning is direct: NATO’s deterrence depends on U.S. presence.
«The one you always have to worry about… is Russia,» Kellogg, who was Trump’s special envoy for Ukraine and Russia in 2025, said.
If U.S. forces are tied down elsewhere, NATO could face serious strain — particularly in areas like intelligence and logistics.
For Kellogg, the danger is delay. «We won’t know until it happens,» he said. «And then you won’t be able to respond to it.»
Deni, however, said the alliance remains a strategic asset — not a liability.
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A NATO military force stands guard outside the World Forum in The Hague ahead of the two-day NATO summit on June 22, 2025. (Remko de Waal/ANP/AFP)
The question, he suggests, is not whether NATO still works. It is whether allies can adapt fast enough to keep it working.
nato, defense, national security, alliances, spending
INTERNACIONAL
Padres ejecutados, hijos raptados: la desaparición forzada de más de 50 niños salvadoreños en la “Guinda de Mayo”
El estruendo de las hélices rasgaba el cielo plomizo de Chalatenango entre el 27 de mayo y el 9 de junio de 1982. No eran misiones de rescate; eran los helicópteros del ejército salvadoreño que descendían en las inmediaciones de los ríos Sumpul y Gualsinga para ejecutar el operativo militar “Limpieza”, conocido entre las familias sobrevivientes como la “Guinda de Mayo”.
Mientras las comunidades campesinas huían despavoridas entre la maleza para salvaguardar la vida, un engranaje estatal y militar se activaba con un propósito tan silencioso como estremecedor: separar a los hijos de sus padres mediante el terror, la muerte y el desarraigo.
En total, 55 niños y niñas se desvanecieron en el torbellino de aquella ofensiva bélica. 44 años después, Margarita Zamora, especialista en investigación de la Asociación Pro-Búsqueda, revela en entrevista exclusiva con Infobae los detalles de una de las prácticas más macabras del conflicto armado salvadoreño: un modus operandi sistemático diseñado para el tráfico humano de menores, camuflado bajo el ropaje del auxilio humanitario.
“La práctica del ejército era asesinar a los padres y llevarse a los niños. De esa manera, no había nadie que los reclamara”, explica Zamora con una serenidad dolorosa. El desparpajo de las familias en la huida facilitaba la captura. Madres exhaustas que arrastraban a dos o tres infantes, cargando bebés en brazos mientras esquivaban las ráfagas de fusilería, se ponían en total vulnerabilidad.
Al ejecutar a los progenitores en el terreno, las guarniciones militares transportaban a los sobrevivientes en helicópteros hacia sectores como La Sierpe o Victoria, en Cabañas.
El horror militar daba paso inmediato a la burocracia civil. Los niños eran entregados a la Cruz Roja, a damas voluntarias y a orfanatos locales bajo actas falsas que declaraban un “abandono moral y material total”.
Se borraba su identidad y se catalogaban como huérfanos extraviados. “En ningún momento fueron extraviados”, enfatiza la investigadora. “Ellos no andaban paseando; andaban guindeando, corriendo para salvar sus vidas”.
Detrás del discurso institucional de “salvación” operaba una red clandestina integrada por abogados locales y altos mandos castrenses mencionando reportes históricos de entrevistas a miembros del Estado Mayor de la época que convirtieron el drama en un negocio millonario.
Los trámites de adopción internacional se cotizaban entre los 5,000 y 15,000 dólares por niño. Abogados con rutas comerciales ya establecidas los distribuyeron por el mundo:
- Francia
- Italia
- Estados Unidos
- Suiza
- Holanda
- España
- Inglaterra
- Suecia.
Parejas extranjeras pagaban la cifra creyendo que auxiliaban a huérfanos desamparados, desconociendo que la sangre de los padres biológicos aún manchaba los expedientes de origen.
El desglose de las víctimas de la Guinda de Mayo, sistematizado recientemente por Pro-Búsqueda, reconstruye las identidades rotas del operativo.
La cifra exacta de infantes desaparecidos la componen 27 niños y 27 niñas. El último caso es el más perturbador: un bebé cuyo sexo se desconoce porque el ejército capturó a su madre embarazada en plena fuga, perdiéndose el rastro de ambos hasta el día de hoy.
Las edades de todos ellos oscilaban entre los cero y los diez años, al momento de ser arrebatados. De los 55 casos documentados en este operativo, Pro-Búsqueda ha logrado resolver 31 casos; 17 ya experimentaron el “abrazo postergado” al reencontrarse vivos con sus raíces familiares.
Sin embargo, 13 han sido localizados fallecidos; la investigación confirmó que fueron ejecutados de forma masiva en un solo lugar aniquilado por las tropas, aunque la falta de voluntad judicial solo ha permitido la exhumación de seis de ellos.
El caso número 31 constituye una paradoja del trauma: un joven localizado en Francia, cuya identidad biológica fue confirmada mediante pruebas de ADN, pero de momento ha decido no reencontrarse con su familia biológica.
Rosa Rivera, sobreviviente, relata los desgarradores eventos de la «Guinda de Mayo» de 1982. Un operativo militar en Chalatenango que se convirtió en una masacre, dejando cientos de desaparecidos, incluyendo a muchos niños, cuyas familias aún buscan justicia.
Aún quedan 24 nombres flotando en la incertidumbre absoluta de Chalatenango. Entre ellos se encuentran los expedientes de las hermanas Erlinda y Ernestina Serrano Cruz, un caso paradigmático con sentencia internacional que obliga al Estado salvadoreño a investigar el paradero y castigar a los responsables individuales de la masacre. Sin embargo, la impunidad se mantiene incólume.
“El principal obstáculo sigue siendo la negación del Estado a abrir los archivos militares. Los oficiales que participaron en estas masacres tienen la información; estos hechos no se borran de la memoria. Falta voluntad política para darnos la verdad”, denuncia Zamora.
Los padres de las víctimas envejecen y mueren con las manos vacías. Ante esto, Pro-Búsqueda resguarda un banco de perfiles genéticos diseñado gracias al impulso pionero del padre Jon de Cortina (Q.E.P.D.) y el doctor Cristian Orrego.
Aunque los padres biológicos mueran, sus códigos genéticos permanecen listos para cotejar el ADN de cualquier adulto en el mundo que hoy, superando los 40 años, dude de su procedencia y sospeche haber sido un bebé extraído de la guerra salvadoreña.
La búsqueda no cesa. Es el intento tardío pero firme de escribir las líneas de una página en blanco para decenas de identidades robadas que aún ignoran que, en un rincón de El Salvador, hay una raíz destruida que jamás dejó de esperarlos.
acuarela,madre,niño,río Sumpul,río Gualsin,conflicto,pérdida,desaparición,helicóptero,El Salvador
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Former Biden aide sounds alarm on Democratic party backing Platner as scandal deepens: ‘Dangerous game’
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Former Press Secretary for First Lady Jill Biden Michael LaRosa said he has been «shocked» by the amount of Democratic support for Maine Senate candidate Graham Platner and that the Platner campaign reveals a line in the sand within the Democratic Party.
«I am shocked at some of the people, some of the Democrats who I consider friends, being so all-or-nothing about this guy, and I don’t really understand why,» LaRosa told Fox News Digital. «He is not really representative of the values I would expect in a Democratic candidate, even by today’s standards. I’m a little surprised at the number of people who are circling the wagons just to beat Susan Collins.»
Despite criticism across the political spectrum over Platner’s resurfaced sexually explicit and vulgar online posts, including one mocking a Purple Heart veteran shot multiple times by the Taliban, and a tattoo of a Nazi symbol on his chest have drawn criticism across the political spectrum, Platner continues to lead in the polls.
LaRosa accused Democrats of brushing off serious concerns over Platner’s controversial past.
DEMOCRATIC MAINE SENATE CANDIDATE GRAHAM PLATNER CONFRONTED BY MS NOW HOST ABOUT TATTOO CONTROVERSY
Former Press Secretary for First Lady Jill Biden Michael LaRosa warns the Democratic party is playing a «dangerous game» backing Maine Senate candidate Graham Platner. (Fox News Digital ; Joe Raedle/Getty Images)
«Democrats are playing a really dangerous game,» he said. «It’s really funny to me how selective and how short memories are in politics.»
LaRosa added that he personally draws the line at backing «a Democrat who has Nazi tattoos,» adding that Platner was «just not for me.»
«I get it,» he said. «I want the Senate seat, I want Democrats to win, I want Chuck Schumer to be the majority leader, but I’m not willing to take anybody off the street to run just because they arouse some vibes in a few portions of the Democratic Party.»
LaRosa said five-term incumbent Republican Sen. Susan Collins is «much more my style than somebody who I consider kind of a performative economic populist like Graham Platner,» adding that Platner attended elite private schools that LaRosa’s «family certainly couldn’t afford.»
«It’s kind of odd to hear him talk about the elite when he was educated by the most elite of New England prep schools,» LaRosa said.
LaRosa told Fox News Digital that he believes winning the election is «just not worth it» if it means supporting Platner.
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Graham Platner, Democratic candidate for U.S. Senate, speaks at a news conference Thursday, April 30, 2026, in Lewiston, Maine. (Robert F. Bukaty/AP PHoto)
«It’s his own behavior that disqualifies him. It’s his own history of rhetoric, of advocating for political violence, of mocking wounded U.S. soldiers shot by the Taliban. All of that stuff, it’s just not worth it for me as a Democrat.»
He said just because Platner is a Democrat does not mean he is qualified to serve in the U.S. Senate.
«That does not make him a good candidate,» he said. «It won’t make him a good senator. It just makes him a D. What’s the point in having a party if you don’t have standards anymore?»
Despite Platner’s high polling numbers, LaRosa pointed to his experience campaigning in 2020 with former Maine House Speaker Sara Gideon, who repeatedly surged ahead of Collins in the polls before Collins won re-election in one of the most expensive races in state history, calling it a «cautionary tale.»
«Sara Gideon did not trail Susan Collins in a single poll,» he said. «Six years ago, our Democrat outpolled, outraised and outspent Susan Collins, and the state of Maine on Election Day chose both Joe Biden and Susan Collins by 9 points.»
Platner became the Democrats’ presumptive nominee in the June 9 primary to decide who will face Collins in November after two-term Gov. Janet Mills ended her campaign last month.
More moderate stances that have drawn criticism from some Democrats, including Sen. John Fetterman’s support for Israel after the Oct. 7 Hamas attacks and criticism of Democrats’ handling of border security, «were extremely normal or mainstream in the Democratic Party» years ago but are now being used to purge strong candidates, LaRosa explained.
«We’re going to do to John Fetterman exactly what Trump is doing to candidates who opposed him or aren’t with him 100% of the time, and I don’t like it,» he said. «I don’t like that my party is going to target John Fetterman for simply having, holding and defending views that were extremely normal or mainstream in the Democratic Party.»
He said Democrats could be in for a «major disappointment» and that he personally would not «publicly support, give money to, contribute to or work for» Platner.
MAINE GOV JANET MILLS DROPS OUT OF DEMOCRATIC RACE FOR SENATE, SIGNALING SHE STRUGGLED TO RAISE ENOUGH MONEY
Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, addresses the press at Washington Crossing Inn in Washington Crossing, Pa., on Nov. 6, 2022. (Mark Makela/Getty Images)
«My party seems to think that this guy represents what the rest of America wants or what Maine voters want or what people outside of the Beltway actually want,» he said. «Democrats believe that Graham Platner seems to represent what people are yearning for and wanting outside of Manhattan and D.C.»
LaRosa said the decision is now up to the voters and «Maine now has the choice» to decide if Platner will represent «their values and their views and their anger and their frustrations.»
«They now have the opportunity to vote for him or Susan Collins, and we, the Democratic Party, have given and provided Maine that choice for them, and so now they’re going to decide,» he said.
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Fox News Digital reached out to the Platner campaign for comment.
democrats elections, republicans elections, john fetterman, senate elections, democrats senate
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