INTERNACIONAL
Borís Nemtsov, el ‘playboy’ liberal que casi le ganó la presidencia a Vladímir Putin
La pregunta latente detrás de esta biografía intensa y dinámica de 778 páginas sobre un político ruso poco conocido internacionalmente es la siguiente: ¿Qué tipo de mundo existiría hoy si el cosmopolita demócrata liberal Borís Nemtsov, y no Vladímir Putin, hubiera sucedido a Borís Yeltsin al mando del país? Más específicamente, ¿la democracia liberal habría continuado su avance imparable hacia el siglo XXI, libre de la nostalgia soviética y del atractivo del neoimperialismo?
Estas son las cuestiones que plantea el veterano periodista ruso Mijaíl Fishman en El Sucesor. “¿Cuándo fue el momento en que Rusia perdió su libertad?”, escribe. “¿Era inevitable la atroz guerra que Putin comenzó? ¿Era el desastre al que llevó a Rusia algo predestinado?”
Para Fishman, Nemtsov representa la promesa de una Rusia libre y democrática que comenzaba a surgir a principios de la década de 1990. Si hubiera cumplido su destino, tal vez no existiría la guerra en Ucrania, con sus cientos de miles de soldados muertos, 10 millones de civiles desplazados, temores de un enfrentamiento nuclear y el espectro de una Tercera Guerra Mundial.
Nemtsov era “un playboy alto, atractivo, de cabello rizado”, escribe Fishman, siete años más joven que Putin y físico de formación. Se interesó por la política en la década de 1980, cuando su madre empezó a asistir a protestas antinucleares tras el desastre de Chernóbil.
En pocos años, se transformó en el niño prodigio de la reforma rusa. En 1991, se convirtió en el gobernador de 32 años de Nizhni Nóvgorod, transformando la provincia al privatizar granjas colectivas, dar libertad a los periodistas e impulsar un auge de la construcción de viviendas y carreteras.
A los 37, era uno de los primeros viceprimeros ministros de Yeltsin y un heredero natural a la presidencia. En un momento, Yeltsin incluso le entregó a Nemtsov una fotografía de ambos con la inscripción: “Secreto: te paso la posta”.
Varios factores se combinaron para frenar el ascenso de Nemtsov, pero la causa principal fue la crisis financiera de 1998, cuando el Estado ruso, incapaz de recaudar impuestos para compensar la caída de los ingresos petroleros, entró en default. La inflación devastó el país y acabó con el optimismo de los años noventa. “La gente sentía nostalgia y estaba inquieta”, escribe Fishman.
Ante las arcas vacías, un público desencantado con las reformas y un Partido Comunista en auge, Yeltsin cambió de rumbo. Faltando dos años para las elecciones presidenciales, buscó un sucesor de otro perfil, alguien considerado duro y sin vínculos con los errores de las políticas de los “salvajes años noventa”. Las mismas condiciones que apartaron a Nemtsov del centro de la escena atrajeron a un burócrata poco conocido y exagente de la KGB llamado Vladímir Putin.
Cuando Yeltsin nombró a Putin primer ministro, apenas uno de cada cuatro rusos había oído hablar de él. “Era fácil proyectar en él cualquier esperanza o interés”, escribe Fishman. Algunos, incluido Nemtsov, creyeron al principio que mantendría el rumbo hacia Europa y Occidente.
Muchos más vieron a Putin como el redentor nacional, la mano de hierro que restauraría la grandeza del país. “La mayoría de los rusos estarían contentos con un líder agresivo, no con uno compasivo”, dijo una socióloga a una revista de prestigio en 1999. “La gente prefiere la fuerza y la brutalidad, esperando que estas cualidades ayuden a imponer el orden”.
Nemtsov nunca volvió a encontrar su lugar en la política nacional, salvo como un incordio para Putin. Fundó un bloque electoral reformista que nunca despegó, organizó manifestaciones, documentó los crímenes del Kremlin, presentó denuncias ante el Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos y presionó a gobiernos occidentales para sancionar a propagandistas rusos.
En 2013, cuando se postuló para un escaño en una legislatura provincial, su amigo y ocasional colaborador Alexéi Navalni se burló de él: “Tú y tu privatización, tus pantalones blancos, tu cara de Moscú. Nunca llegarás a ningún lado”. Nemtsov ganó el escaño, una posición modesta para un ex viceprimer ministro, avivando las últimas brasas del liberalismo en Rusia. Contra todo pronóstico, seguía esperando ver a un opositor, como Navalni, alcanzar la presidencia en 2018.
Por su audacia, los medios estatales insinuaron que Nemtsov era un agente del Departamento de Estado de EE. UU. y un “schizo-dem”, un término peyorativo que significa “activista democrático que ha perdido el contacto con la realidad y ha enloquecido luchando contra el régimen”. Activistas juveniles progubernamentales lanzaron consoladores a su auto, arrojaron bombas fétidas en sus actos públicos y le tiraron Coca-Cola mezclada con amoníaco en la cara. Las autoridades lo detuvieron repetidas veces, y los aliados de Putin lo sometieron a demandas judiciales infundadas.
Mientras tanto, Nemtsov observaba con creciente horror cómo sus compatriotas se volvían cada vez más “agresivos, zombificados, intoxicados”. En 2014, se sintió tan desmoralizado que se marchó a Israel, aunque regresó a las pocas semanas. Su impulso por seguir luchando en la oposición era como una adicción que no podía dejar, recordó un amigo. Al año siguiente, Nemtsov fue asesinado por sicarios vinculados a Ramzán Kadírov, líder checheno y aliado de Putin.
¿Qué habría pasado si Rusia hubiera tomado ese camino alternativo? Si Yeltsin hubiera mantenido la confianza en Nemtsov, a quien llegó a considerar “como a un hijo”, ¿sería Rusia hoy una democracia liberal plenamente consolidada, un país europeo normal en buenos términos con sus vecinos?
Casi con certeza, no. Por supuesto, la psicología de los líderes importa; resulta difícil imaginar a un presidente Nemtsov ordenando asesinatos de opositores políticos, tildando a periodistas independientes de “agentes extranjeros” e iniciando la guerra más sangrienta en Europa desde 1945. Pero son las fuerzas mayores las que empujan a los individuos al poder, y las corrientes de la historia favorecieron a un déspota.
Incluso si Nemtsov hubiera logrado asegurar el respaldo de Yeltsin y ganar las elecciones presidenciales de 2000, probablemente habría salido del cargo poco después. Fishman, que ahora vive exiliado en Países Bajos, lo admite. “Probablemente Nemtsov no habría llegado a ser presidente de Rusia”, escribe. “Lo impulsó la revolución a fines de los años ochenta y principios de los noventa. Unos años después, ya era demasiado libre y demasiado idealista para los tiempos”.
Hasta la invasión a gran escala de Ucrania en 2022, Fishman no había perdido la esperanza en su tierra natal. Cerró la edición rusa de “El Sucesor”, publicada dos semanas antes de la guerra, con una nota optimista: “Los héroes no mueren, y los valores tampoco. Los ideales que sustentan la Rusia de Nemtsov serán demandados en el próximo giro de la historia, y ayudarán a que la historia tenga un buen final”.
Ese epílogo esperanzador fue eliminado de la edición en inglés. “¿Sigue siendo posible ese otro futuro?”, escribe Fishman en el nuevo prólogo. “Sigo creyéndolo hoy, aunque no estoy seguro de seguir aquí cuando suceda”.
Tras un cuarto de siglo de represión creciente, cualquier alternativa democrática a Putin ha sido encarcelada, asesinada o expulsada del país. Y el público ruso, expuesto a una propaganda incesante, no parece pensar que sea posible, ni siquiera deseable, otro tipo de política. Según el Centro Levada, la única agencia de encuestas independiente que queda en Rusia, incluso después de años de guerra y estancamiento económico, la aprobación de Putin ronda el 80 por ciento.
Aun así, como bien saben los rusos, el cambio político suele ocurrir poco a poco, y luego de golpe. Al final, “El Sucesor” justifica su amplio tratamiento de una figura relativamente menor porque ofrece una visión de la Rusia abierta y pluralista que casi fue, y que tal vez aún pueda ser. Incapaz de ignorar el mundo tal como es, Fishman lucha por imaginar ese futuro alternativo, aunque sea solo como una fantasía. Pero tenía razón antes: Putin puede eliminar físicamente a Nemtsov, a Navalni e incluso a Fishman, pero las ideas no pueden ser fusiladas, envenenadas ni exiliadas. Las semillas que sembraron Nemtsov y Navalni pueden aún madurar, a su tiempo.
Fuente: The New York Times
Politics,Europe
Lawmakers face off in congressional baseball game
Fox News correspondent Chad Pergram previews the annual Congressional Baseball Game, where Republican lawmakers aim to extend their five-year winning streak against Democrats. The report highlights the competitive spirit, challenges faced by both teams during early morning practices, and the game’s significant fundraising efforts for DC nonprofits.
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There were two 1s. Three 3s. Three 4s. One 04. Three 6s. Two 06s. Two 7s. Two 07s. 2 9s. And three 12s.
No. I wasn’t trying to decipher computer programming code.
This wasn’t a routing number for a checking account.
Nor was I communicating in hexadecimals.
I was staring at these numbers to unravel the GOP’s uniform numbers for the annual Congressional baseball game at Nats Park.
REPUBLICANS DESTROY DEMOCRATS IN CONGRESSIONAL BASEBALL GAME AGAIN, WINNING FOR 5TH STRAIGHT YEAR
Fox News congressional correspondent Chad Pergram details the annual challenge of calling the Congressional Baseball Game, where duplicate uniform numbers complicate live broadcasts. (Fox News)
Congressional Republicans and Democrats play each other in the event. It’s a custom dating back to 1909. No other athletic team in any sport on the planet allows players on the same team to wear the same numbers. But since this is Congress, lawmakers get to choose whatever uniform number they want.
On the Republican team, House Majority Leader Steve Scalise (R-LA) and Rep. Brad Finstad (R-MN) both wear number one. Reps. Chuck Flesichmann (R-TN), Greg Murphy (R-NC) and Marlin Stutzman (R-IN) don number three.
You get the idea.
Old-time ballpark vendors used to hawk their wares by shouting, «You can’t tell the players without a scorecard.»
With all of these numbers, a scorecard won’t do. You need an abacus.
The Democrats aren’t much better with their uniform algebra. Four Democrats utilized the same uniform digits. There were two 3s. Two 11s. Two 15s. And two 25s. For instance, Reps. Morgan McGarvey, D-Ky., and Tom Suozzi, D-N.Y., sported number three. Sen. Ruben Gallego, D-Ariz., and Frank Mrvan, D-Ind., requested number 11.
The game is a charity event, raising more than $3.2 million and coaxing 32,000 fans to the ballpark. So who wears what number really shouldn’t matter much.
SCHMITT GOES IN-DEPTH ON DIVING CATCH & CHANGES TO COLLEGE ATHLETICS ON ‘RUTHLESS’
Republicans and Democrats packed Nationals Park for the Congressional Baseball Game, a charity tradition that raised more than $3.2 million this year. (Fox News)
Unless you’re broadcasting the game on national television.
That’s where I come in.
I’ve had the privilege of announcing the game for Fox Sports for five years now, live on FS1. I handle the color commentary. My Fox News colleague and former ESPN hand Kevin Corke does play-by-play. Fox Sports sends the same production crew which handles playoff games and the World Series to cover this. Led by Fox producer extraordinaire Aaron Stojkov, the same group of folks just worked Fox’s national broadcast of the Cardinals/Cubs game a few weeks ago in St. Louis. They handled the Phillies/Brewers game in Milwaukee Saturday night.
Congress is my thing. But baseball even more so.
I was at Riverfront Stadium in Cincinnati in 1985 the night Pete Rose broke Ty Cobb’s all-time hits record. I know that Atlanta Braves pitcher Tom House caught Hank Aaron’s 715th career home run in the bullpen, breaking Babe Ruth’s mark. I can talk about Ralph Branca on the mound for the Brooklyn Dodgers. Branca yielded «The Shot Heard ‘Round the World» to Bobby Thomson, propelling the New York Giants into the 1951 World Series. I’ll then regale you with the little known fact that Thomson is from Glasgow, Scotland. Not Staten Island. I can even give you a dissertation explaining the infield fly rule.
But the annual ritual of decrypting the Congressional baseball game is the most challenging thing I do professionally each year. The exercise involving the national pastime is a fabulous yet tough assignment.
I’ve often wondered if calling an actual Major League game would be easier than announcing the tilt between the Democrats and Republicans. For MLB, I follow the teams. I study box scores. I can tell who is on a winning streak. Who can’t hit a slider.
PRESENT AND ACCOUNTED FOR: HOUSE REPUBLICANS’ SMALL MAJORITY COULD MAKE ATTENDANCE A PRIORITY
Duplicate jersey numbers left broadcasters sorting through lawmakers on the field during the annual Congressional Baseball Game in Washington. (Fox News)
This is not to say that announcing a Big League game is easy. But there’s more information. It’s baseball as I know it.
Pete Rose said that the easiest place to hit was the Big Leagues. The pitching was better. The umpiring was better. The lighting was better.
Rose’s point is that most MLB hurlers have command. But down in the minors, some of the pitchers make Ricky «Wild Thing» Vaughn from the movie Major League look like Greg Maddux. Umpires in The Show work a consistent strike zone. But in the Pioneer League, an actual pioneer may have a better concept of what’s a ball or strike. Down in the South Atlantic League, you might struggle to even see the ball because the stadium is practically illuminated by foot candles. But the lighting at Major League Stadiums is better than a Taylor Swift concert.
So that’s the challenge. There’s a chasm between MLB and the Congressional baseball game. You have to figure out what to say about each player – who have limited stat lines. I know more about their voting records than batting averages. So, like any reporter, I dig around to prepare what to say during the game.
It was just before 7a.m. ET a few weeks ago. My phone buzzed with a text from Republican Missouri Sen. Eric Schmitt. He was at the pre-dawn practice. Schmitt has the highest OPS (on base percentage, plus slugging percentage) in Congressional baseball history. He’s a mega St. Louis Cardinals fan. But despite his prowess at the plate, Schmitt made one of the most stellar plays in Congressional baseball history in the game Wednesday night.
LEARNING CURVE: THE NEW PLAYERS IN CONGRESS
Spectacular defensive plays, bipartisan competition and baseball history highlighted this year’s Congressional Baseball Game. (Fox News)
Rep. Johnny Oleszewski, D-Md., looped a long flyball down the left field line. Approaching foul ground and the warning track, Schmitt laid himself out, with a diving, circus catch in the heel of his glove. Schmitt popped back up, blood streaming from his face after crashing into the warning track.
«I’m not as sore as I thought I would be,» said Schmitt the next day, noting he scraped up his forearms.
That play goes into the baseball lore for next year’s broadcast.
Schmitt wasn’t the only Gold Glover this year.
Reps. Pete Aguilar, D-Calif., and Jimmy Panetta, D-Calif., also made spectacular catches in short left field.
Rep. Roger Williams, R-Texas, is the GOP manager. But he toiled as an Atlanta Braves farmhand for three seasons. Williams hit an impressive .318 for Wytheville, VA in the Appalachian League in 1971. An injury curbed Williams to batting just .135 and .203 the next two seasons. The Braves released him and Wiliams became a scout.
Rep. Linda Sanchez, D-Calif., manages the Democratic squad. She used to be one of a handful of women who played. After five seasons, Sanchez is still looking for her first win as the Democratic skipper.
«We don’t get our hits together then and strand people on the bases,» said Sanchez.
As a kid, Sanchez pulled for the now Los Angeles Angels. She was a big Nolan Ryan fan. But Sanchez dropped her allegiance to the Angels after Ryan signed with the Houston Astros. That was just as «Fernando-mania» seized the baseball world as phenom Fernando Valenzuela won the Cy Young Award and Rookie of the Year honor in 1981. Sanchez has been a Los Angeles Dodgers fan ever since.
I have two favorite tales about lawmakers and their connections to Major League Baseball.
Rep. Ray Cannon, D-Wis., served in Congress in the 1930s. But before that, Cannon represented Shoeless Joe Jackson and other members of the Chicago White Sox, banished from baseball during the Black Sox scandal. Eight players are accused of trying to throw the 1919 World Series to the Cincinnati Reds.
Then there was Rep. Jacob Ruppert, D-N.Y., who represented part of New York City in the late 19th and early 20th Centuries. Ruppert wanted to acquire a baseball club. But a deal to purchase the New York Giants fell through. He opted to buy the New York Yankees – who were consistently a second division team in those days. Ruppert then acquired Babe Ruth from the Boston Red Sox. The Yankees became one of the most-storied franchises in the history of sports. And Ruth became the first American superstar.
Few in Congress know who Ruppert was in Congress. But when it comes to baseball, Ruppert is now enshrined in Cooperstown.
In order to get everyone to the ballpark on time for the game, Steve Scalise scheduled final votes for the day around 4:30 pm et last Wednesday. He also told committees to suspend votes until after the ballgame.
The House Appropriations Committee was prepping the annual Homeland Security bill that night. But Appropriations Committee Chairman Tom Cole, R-Okla., told Members he wanted everyone back to vote 30 minutes after the game. Rep. Mike Levin, D-Calif., had an amendment ready on collective bargaining for the TSA. Levin wondered if he’d return for the committee votes in his baseball uniform.
Calling the Congressional Baseball Game requires equal parts baseball knowledge and Capitol Hill expertise, according to longtime broadcaster Chad Pergram. (Fox News)
But no level of preparation fully arms you to call the game from the booth. I looked up at one point and found freshman Rep. Christian Menefee, D-Texas, pinch running at first base. But Menefee never appeared on any roster I was presented. I had no information on him.
Menefee beat Rep. Al Green, D-Texas, in a primary for next year recently. He’s only been in Congress a few months after winning a special election.
At first I couldn’t figure out who was out on the base paths. I scoured each each number on my roster.
Nothing.
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A multitude of numbers. But none for Menefee.
Prep all you want to announce the Congressional baseball game. But you’d still be outnumbered.
congress, republicans elections, democrats, mlb, steve scalise
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The Israel Defense Forces announced the elimination of a senior Hezbollah commander who was accused of orchestrating the 2007 kidnapping and murder of five American soldiers.
The IDF said they killed Hezbollah terrorist Ali Musa Daqduq was killed Friday in a precise strike in southern Lebanon, south of the Litani River.
«ELIMINATED: Ali Musa Daqduq, a senior Hezbollah commander who held a series of 5 senior positions within Hezbollah,» the IDF hailed on X. «Daqduq played a central role in advancing terrorist attacks and combat operations against Israel and IDF soldiers. In 2007, he orchestrated the kidnapping and murder of 5 American soldiers.»
Israeli officials targeted the veteran Hezbollah operative who held multiple senior roles in the terror organization.
ISRAEL KILLS 2 HEZBOLLAH COMMANDERS RESPONSIBLE FOR 400 STRIKES AGAINST THEM IN OCTOBER: IDF
«His elimination constitutes another significant blow to Hezbollah’s senior chain of command by eliminating one of the most prominent operatives responsible for terrorist activity against Israeli civilians, IDF soldiers, and American servicemembers,» the IDF wrote in a statement.
«The IDF will continue to operate against commanders of the Hezbollah terrorist organization.»
ISRAEL ELIMINATES HEZBOLLAH’S TOP MILITARY COMMANDER HAYTHAM ALI TABATABAI IN TARGETED BEIRUT STRIKE
The Israeli Defense Forces announced the elimination of terrorist Ali Musa Daqduq, a senior Hezbollah commander who held a series of five senior positions, having advanced terrorist attacks and combat operations against Israel and IDF soldiers. In 2007, he orchestrated the kidnapping and murder of five American soldiers. (Israel Defense Forces/X)
Daqduq’s roles included commander of the security unit for eliminated Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah, commander in the Radwan Force, commander in the Operations Department of the Nasser Unit, head of Hezbollah’s Infantry Unit and commander of Hezbollah’s «Golan Terrorist Network,» according to the IDF.
The Golan network was responsible for Hezbollah’s entrenchment in Syria and the establishment of military infrastructure near Israel’s border. The unit’s activities were exposed by Israel in 2019.
«In recent years, he played a central role in advancing terrorist attacks and combat operations against the State of Israel and IDF soldiers,» the IDF said.
IDF FINDS HEZBOLLAH WEAPONS CACHE IN UNDERGROUND TUNNEL: VIDEO
Daqduq also led much of Hezbollah’s operational planning against Israeli troops along the Lebanon border over the past several years, the IDF added.
Daqduq was captured by U.S. forces in Iraq in 2007, but was transferred to Iraqi custody during the U.S. withdrawal in 2011 under former President Barack Obama. Iraqi courts later dismissed charges against him, and Baghdad released him in 2012.
«His elimination constitutes another significant blow to Hezbollah’s senior chain of command by eliminating one of the most prominent operatives responsible for terrorist activity against Israeli civilians, IDF soldiers, and American servicemembers,» the IDF said.
ISRAEL STRIKES BEIRUT FOR THE FIRST TIME SINCE A CEASEFIRE ENDED THE LATEST ISRAEL-HEZBOLLAH WAR
The announcement came as Israel also carried out strikes Sunday in the Dahieh district of Beirut, targeting what the IDF described as Hezbollah infrastructure.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Israel Katz said in a joint statement that the Beirut strikes were ordered in response to Hezbollah fire toward Israeli territory.
«Israel will not tolerate fire into its territory,» they said.
The latest strikes come at a sensitive diplomatic moment, as U.S.-backed efforts continue to finalize a broader regional deal with Iran and President Donald Trump.
ISRAELI OFFICIAL REJECTS TRUMP’S CALL FOR IRAN DEAL: ‘OUTRAGEOUS’ TO NEGOTIATE WITH ‘EVIL, JIHADIST REGIME’
Ali Musa Daqduq, a longtime Hezbollah commander, was killed after years of involvement in the group’s military and terrorist operations, according to Israeli officials. (Israeli Defense Forces; Photo by Ramiz Dallah/Anadolu via Getty Images)
«Bibi should not have done what he did,» Trump told Fox News’ Middle East correspondent Trey Yingst.
He said to Netanyahu: «What the f–k are you doing?»
Trump told Yingst he hopes the deal with Iran will be signed before the night. He will remove the blockade of Iranian ports immediately once it is signed.
TRUMP CONFIRMS ‘CRAZY’ NETANYAHU CLASH AS QUESTIONS MOUNT OVER PUSH TO HOLD FIRE ON HEZBOLLAH TERRORISTS
Trump will ask Iran not to respond with missiles toward Israel.
A diplomat involved in the talks told Fox News the Beirut strikes were complicating those efforts.
«The strikes today in Beirut are creating issues with finalizing the deal,» the diplomat said. «This is a clear attempt by Israel to sabotage the president’s deal and drag the United States back into war.»
A senior Israeli official rejected that characterization, telling Fox News that Israel was responding to Hezbollah attacks.
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«We reject the notion that Israel is to blame for the exchange of fire,» the official said. «Hezbollah attacks have targeted Israeli civilians the past three days.»
Fox News’ Trey Yingst contributed to this report.
terrorism, donald trump, israel, benjamin netanyahu, iraq, lebanon
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