La firma del acuerdo entre Irán y Estados Unidos para poner fin a la guerra en Medio Oriente dejó al descubierto diferencias en la cúpula del régimen iraní. El líder supremo, Mojtaba Khamenei, reconoció este jueves que no compartía la estrategia que condujo al entendimiento con Washington y que terminó autorizándolo únicamente después de recibir garantías del presidente Masud Pezeshkian y del Consejo Supremo de Seguridad Nacional.

La declaración representa una inusual admisión pública de desacuerdo dentro de las estructuras de mando de la República Islámica en un momento clave, apenas un día después de que los presidentes Donald Trump y Pezeshkian formalizaran el memorando que abrió una etapa de negociaciones para cerrar definitivamente el conflicto.

En un mensaje dirigido a la población iraní, Khamenei explicó que inicialmente no respaldaba el acuerdo alcanzado con Estados Unidos.

“Yo, por principio, tenía una opinión diferente”, afirmó. Sin embargo, sostuvo que decidió dar luz verde al proceso después de que el mandatario iraní y los máximos responsables de seguridad asumieran compromisos concretos para proteger los intereses nacionales.

Según relató, Pezeshkian le garantizó personalmente que Irán no aceptaría condiciones que considerara perjudiciales durante las conversaciones con Washington.

“Si la parte estadounidense intentaba plantear exigencias excesivas, no se sometería”, indicó el líder supremo al describir las garantías que recibió antes de otorgar su consentimiento.

Lejos de presentar el acuerdo como un acercamiento político a Washington, Khamenei buscó marcar distancia y transmitir que el régimen seguirá considerando a Estados Unidos como un adversario estratégico.

“Las negociaciones presenciales futuras no implicarán la aceptación de la postura del enemigo”, afirmó.

Khamenei también aprovechó el mensaje para cuestionar directamente a Donald Trump. Según su versión, fue la Casa Blanca la que presionó para concretar el entendimiento después de meses de enfrentamientos.

“Fue el presidente estadounidense quien, en un acto de desesperación, utilizó toda clase de presión para lograrlo”, sostuvo.

Las declaraciones muestran un intento de equilibrar dos mensajes distintos dentro de Irán. Por un lado, respaldar una decisión adoptada por el gobierno y los organismos de seguridad. Por otro, evitar que el acuerdo sea interpretado por los sectores más duros del régimen como una concesión política ante Washington.

La intervención de Khamenei también tuvo relevancia porque se trata de su primera reacción pública sobre el pacto desde que asumió el cargo en marzo, tras la muerte de su padre, el ayatollah Ali Khamenei, durante los ataques estadounidenses e israelíes del 28 de febrero que desencadenaron la guerra regional.

Desde entonces, el nuevo líder supremo no ha realizado apariciones públicas y se ha limitado a difundir mensajes a través de los canales oficiales del Estado.

El memorando firmado por Estados Unidos e Irán establece el cese permanente de las operaciones militares, contempla compromisos relacionados con la situación en el Líbano y prevé la reapertura del estrecho de Ormuz para el tránsito marítimo internacional.

El documento también abrió un período de 60 días destinado a negociar un acuerdo definitivo sobre el programa nuclear iraní y el levantamiento de sanciones económicas.

Esas futuras conversaciones constituyen uno de los puntos más sensibles para Teherán. Aunque el memorando contempla negociaciones sobre cuestiones nucleares, Khamenei dejó claro que no considera que el proceso implique una modificación de la postura estratégica de la República Islámica frente a Estados Unidos.

La firma del acuerdo puso fin a la guerra, pero también dejó expuestas las tensiones entre quienes consideran necesario avanzar en una negociación con Washington y quienes continúan viendo ese camino con desconfianza.

(Con información de Reuters, AFP, EFE y Europa Press)

Democrats, among them some of the most recognizable names in politics, have accepted millions of dollars in campaign contributions from top employees at firms the Pentagon recently designated as «Chinese military companies» operating in the U.S.

The Department of War on June 8 designated Alibaba, Baidu and BYD as «Chinese military companies,» meaning that the three firms, in the eyes of the U.S. government, are providing assistance to the People’s Liberation Army through its military-civil fusion strategy or other means. Senior employees at these companies, including executives, have donated roughly $2.6 million to Democratic political committees since 2020, a Fox News Digital review of campaign finance filings has found.

Notable individuals and organizations that received contributions from top staffers at these firms include Sen. Adam Schiff, Rep. Nancy Pelosi, former President Joe Biden, Gov. Gavin Newsom, former Vice President Kamala Harris and the Democratic National Committee. 

Donors to Democratic committees from the trio of firms include executives, top-level lawyers, lobbyists and, to a much lesser extent, rank-and-file employees working in areas such as engineering or management. The staffers made some contributions to Republicans as well, though the overall sum was far lower than what Democrats received.

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The review included direct contributions, earmarked contributions and donations to joint-fundraising committees reported in campaign finance filings. It did not identify corporate donations from Alibaba, Baidu or BYD to the federal committees.

«American politicians should no longer accept campaign cash from any Chinese companies. Politicians who have been taking campaign cash from companies like Baidu, Alibaba and BYD now realize they were supported by blacklisted Chinese Military Companies,» Michael Lucci, CEO of the national security organization State Armor, told Fox News Digital. «The reason the Pentagon’s list of sanctioned CCP companies keeps expanding is because the Chinese Communist Party imposes a ‘civil-military fusion’ mandate upon all Chinese companies, forcing them to assist in modernizing China’s military with the goal of defeating America.»

«They all end up working to support the PLA. They should all be cut off from U.S. politics,» he added. 

The Pentagon’s Chinese military company designation via its 1260H list does not function as a traditional sanction, as Americans can continue to do business with the company.

Biden-linked committees and joint fundraising vehicles were by far the biggest beneficiaries of the funds, taking in roughly $850,000 from employees at the trio of firms between 2020 and 2024. The DNC, meanwhile, had a haul of around $500,000 while Harris-linked committees brought in roughly $140,000.

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Former first lady Dr. Jill Biden gave an update on former President Joe Biden’s cancer on Saturday, saying that the 83-year-old will live with cancer for the rest of his life, he maintains a busy schedule but has slowed down. (Grant Baldwin/Getty Images)

Various state Democratic parties also received five-figure support from employees at Baidu, BYD and Alibaba. Newsom, per state campaign finance records, accepted $50,000 from an executive at BYD, an electric-vehicle manufacturer that his administration later awarded a contract. 

Fox News Digital reached the offices of Biden, Harris, Schiff, Pelosi, Newsom and the DNC on Sunday for comment and has not heard back as of publishing.

Pentagon officials are legally required to release a list of what it determines to be Chinese military companies every year. The first such list was released in June 2021 under President Joe Biden.

The Pentagon’s 1260H list identifies Chinese companies the Defense Department says are «Chinese military companies» operating directly or indirectly in the United States. Required by the 2021 National Defense Authorization Act, the list is intended to warn U.S. businesses and investors about firms tied to China’s military-civil fusion strategy, though inclusion does not automatically trigger sanctions.

New defense laws, however, have given the list more bite in recent years.

The Pentagon will be barred from directly contracting with companies on the list starting June 30 and is currently banned from contracting with companies who lobby on behalf 1260H-listed firms. In 2027, the ban will be expanded to prevent indirect procurement of goods manufactured by Chinese military companies through supply chain intermediaries.

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Former U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris speaks during her «107 Days» book tour at the Ziff Ballet Opera House at the Adrienne Arsht Center for the Performing Arts on Thursday, Nov. 20, 2025, in downtown Miami. (Matias J. Ocner/Miami Herald/Tribune News Service via Getty Images)

While Alibaba, Baidu and BYD only recently earned formal designations as Chinese military companies, their links to the CCP have been widely reported for years.

The Wall Street Journal, for instance, reported in 2017 that Alibaba was assisting the Chinese government in its surveillance efforts against dissidents, and Chinese state media reported in 2018 that the firm had a large CCP presence within it. Some sources within the company told Reuters in 2019 that the firm had developed an app designed specifically to increase ideological alignment with Chinese President Xi Jinping. 

Alibaba, however, has come out strongly against its inclusion on the Pentagon’s list of Chinese military companies.

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President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping represent the world’s two most powerful economies. (Brendan Smialowski – Pool/Getty Images)

«There’s no basis to conclude that Alibaba should be placed on the Section 1260H List,» a company spokeswoman told Fox News Digital. «Alibaba is not a Chinese military company nor part of any military-civil fusion strategy. We will take all available legal action against attempts to misrepresent our company.»

That statement also appears in a Securities and Exchange Commission filing made by Alibaba shortly after it was added to the Pentagon’s list.

«Inclusion in the CMC List will not affect the Group’s ability to conduct business as usual in the United States or anywhere in the world because the Group does not do business related to U.S. military procurement,» the SEC filing adds. «The CMC List does not impose any other export controls or sanctions, nor does it prohibit any persons (other than the U.S. Department of Defense) from business dealings with the Group or transacting in the securities of the Company.»

A person walks past a sign at Alibaba Group Holding Ltd. headquarters in Hangzhou, China, on May 8, 2021. Alibaba is scheduled to report fourth-quarter results on May 13. (Qilai Shen/Bloomberg)

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As early as 2015, outlets like Bloomberg News were reporting that the Chinese government was heavily subsidizing BYD. Wang Chuanfu, the founder and CEO of the firm, is a member of the Chinese Communist Party and an ally of Xi. 

BYD did not respond to a request for comment when reached by Fox News Digital on Monday.

In Baidu’s case, China’s Ministry of Science and Technology named the company as part of the country’s «national team» for AI development in 2017, with it later appointed by the CCP’s National Development and Reform Commission to lead China’s first national lab on deep learning technologies, according to state media. The firm, which primarily operates a search engine, reportedly assists the Chinese government in carrying out censorship.     

«We categorically reject the inclusion of Baidu on the list, and there is no credible justification for adding Baidu to the list,» a Baidu spokesperson told Fox News Digital «The suggestion that Baidu is a military company is entirely baseless. We will not hesitate to use all options available to us to have the company removed from the list.»

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The Pentagon has defended its additions to the list.

«After the Department conducted its due diligence, it identified 188 entities that meet the statutory requirement for inclusion on the most recent 1260H List,» a Department of War spokesperson told Fox News Digital.

This week, President Donald Trump and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi came face-to-face at the G7 summit in France, their first such encounter since February 2025. Rather than his trademark bear hug, Modi greeted Trump with a smile and handshake.

Then on Wednesday, the two held a bilateral meeting. It was a friendly chat, but one that came against a backdrop of compounding tensions.

As India works at restoring its relationship with Washington, its arch-foe Pakistan has expanded its own diplomatic profile, complicating India’s campaign against its nuclear-armed rival.

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For years, India built an international case against Pakistan, projecting it as an isolated or destabilizing state. This hardline stance appeared to be working, with Modi declaring to Pakistan, «India has been successful in isolating you, and we will intensify those efforts.» 

But a decade later, Pakistan is rapidly emerging as a key global player in the region and beyond.

While Modi initially tried to engage Pakistan, his government’s approach eventually hardened around the mantra that «terror and talks cannot coexist.»

In Washington, India has typically been favored, with Presidents Trump, Biden, Obama and George W. Bush all making visits during their time in office.

President Donald Trump (R) shakes hands with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi during a bilateral meeting at the G7 Summit on June 17, 2026 in Evian-les-Bains, France.  (Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images)

Modi built a rapport with Trump during his first term in office and was one of the first world leaders invited to the White House after Trump’s inauguration. But over the past year, that relationship has come under strain as Islamabad quietly clawed its way back to credibility.

«India misjudged Trump in term two, banking on once friendly relations,» Sid Dubey, a visiting professor at Bennett University in India, told Fox News Digital. «They have yet to start recovering from that.»

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U.S. President Donald Trump and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi wave to the crowd at Sardar Patel Stadium in Ahmedabad, India, Monday, Feb. 24, 2020. India poured on the pageantry with a joyful, colorful welcome for President Donald Trump on Monday that kicked off a whirlwind 36-hour visit meant to reaffirm U.S.-India ties while providing enviable overseas imagery for a president in a re-election year. (AP Photo/Aijaz Rahi)

The shift first became apparent in May 2025, when President Trump announced he had secured a ceasefire between nuclear-armed India and Pakistan. The fighting had come over India-administered Kashmir and was the worst in decades.

Islamabad promptly praised Trump for ending the deadly dispute and even nominated him for a Nobel Peace Prize. New Delhi, however, rejected the claim, insisting the ceasefire was the result of direct bilateral talks with Pakistan.

The response reflected India’s long-standing sensitivity to third-party involvement in what it fiercely maintains is a bilateral dispute.

In the months that followed, frictions only deepened.

FILE — In this Jan. 11, 2013 file photo, a Pakistani Ranger in black uniform and his Indian counterpart march during a flag-off ceremony, at the joint Pakistan-India border check post of Wagah near Lahore, Pakistan. (AP Photo/K.M. Chaudary, File)

President Trump hit India with some of the steepest tariffs imposed on any major economy. Meanwhile, U.S. sanctions pressure on Russian oil rattled energy import-dependent India, while disputes over H-1B visas added further strain. Analysts say Trump’s America First agenda increasingly overshadowed the friendship Modi had cultivated during Trump’s first term.

«When Trump unfortunately said the May 2025 clash ended because of him personally, that upset India a lot, and they made that known,» Dubey said. «Then the tariffs were another slap in India’s face. Meanwhile, Pakistan took advantage, leaving India at a bit of a loss. From there, relations fell further with the Iran conflict.»

India is among the countries most indirectly affected by the strategic fallout from the Iran war, facing economic pressure and mounting energy concerns.

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Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf meets with chief of Defence Forces of Pakistan, Field Marshal Asim Munir, in Tehran, Iran, May 23, 2026. (Iranian Parliament Speaker Office/WANA (West Asia News Agency)/Handout via Reuters)

Last week, a U.S. strike further exacerbated tensions after three Indian seafarers became collateral damage in the conflict. They were the first and only seafarers confirmed killed as part of the U.S. blockade, sparking outrage across India.

New Delhi instantly summoned Washington’s Chargé d’Affaires Jason Meeks, expressing deep concern over the renewed attacks and arguing that its nationals were becoming casualties in a war not their own.

India also warned of the broader humanitarian, economic, and energy consequences of the conflict, which are expected to linger even as an agreement has now been reached.

U.S. Vice President JD Vance, center, walks with Pakistan’s Chief of Defence Forces and Chief of Army Staff Field Marshall Asim Munir, left, and Pakistani Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Mohammad Ishaq Dar after arriving for talks with Iranian officials in Islamabad, Pakistan, Saturday, April 11, 2026. (Jacquelyn Martin/Pool via AP Photo)

All the while, Pakistan was gaining diplomatic visibility, finding itself in the unusual position of currying favor in Washington while maintaining deep ties with China, Iran and the Gulf states.

Pakistan’s prominent role in recent months highlighted how Islamabad has been more nimble in its diplomacy than India,» Council on Foreign Relations Senior Fellow Sadanand Dhume told Fox News Digital. «Additionally, Pakistan decisively outmaneuvered India’s quixotic bid to isolate Pakistan on the world stage.»

Regional dynamics have also been reshaped by the two rivals’ competing strategies. India has deepened its strategic partnership with the U.S. through alliances such as the Quad partnership with the U.S., Australia, and Japan and has expanded cooperation across South Asian states, including a burgeoning relationship with Afghanistan. Meanwhile, Pakistan’s growing regional relevance has been reflected in its strengthened ties with China, improved relations with regional partners like Bangladesh and expanded security cooperation with Gulf states.

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Additionally, Trump, who accused Pakistan of «deceit and lies» during his first term, has since repeatedly praised its leadership. In June 2025, the president invited Pakistan’s army chief Asim Munir to the White House for a high-profile lunch meeting.

Munir was the first Pakistani military chief who was not also president to be hosted by a U.S. president. He also led the war effort against India earlier that year. 

In this photo released by the Inter Services Public Relations, Pakistan’s Chief of Defense Forces and Army Chief Gen. Asim Munir, center, Pakistan Naval Chief Admiral Naveed Ashraf, left, and Pakistan Air Force Chief Air Chief Marshal Zaheer Ahmed Babar attend a guard of honor ceremony at the joint military command headquarters in Rawalpindi, Pakistan, Monday, Dec. 8, 2025.  (Inter Services Public Relations via AP)

Trump described Munir as his «favorite Field Marshal» and an «exceptional human being.» 

Their relationship has been further reflected in trade deals and, most recently, Pakistan’s role as a principal mediator in restoring diplomacy between the U.S. and Iran.

«India tried to make Pakistan an international pariah. Instead, Pakistan has wormed its way into Trump’s good books through a combination of concrete co-operation with the U.S. and outrageous flattery of the president, leading to Trump elevating Field Marshal Asim Munir and Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif as heroes,» Dhume said.

India, meanwhile, has maintained close ties with Israel while generally sticking to more measured messaging. 

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On June 15, upon the agreement of a deal with Iran, Modi released a statement, saying, «India hopes that the implementation of this understanding will help restore peace and stability in the region and ensure the freedom of navigation and commerce.»

«Hats off to Pakistan. They worked really hard to bring this awfully disruptive war with Iran to an end,» Dubey told Fox. «India unfortunately lost out by not seeking to be a problem solver like Pakistan. It could have played its cards better as a peacemaker, given its traditionally strong relations with Tehran.»

Still, analysts caution these are rapidly evolving dynamics. There is no guarantee that Pakistan’s current moment will last, and the tide for India could still turn.

«Pakistan’s mediation role has allowed it to substantially reset its international image. It has positioned itself as a responsible international actor rather than a rogue state responsible for both nuclear proliferation and exporting Islamic terrorism. How long this lasts depends in large measure on two things: will Pakistan find a way to remain in Trump’s good books, and will it be able to change its behavior sufficiently to convince the world that it has indeed turned over a new leaf,» Dhume told Fox News Digital.

Meanwhile, India is working to regain its position and show the U.S. it is still a reliable partner.

Marco Rubio visited India last month, his first since becoming Trump’s top diplomat last year, which was widely seen as an attempt to reset ties. 

Secretary of State Marco Rubio speaks as President Donald Trump looks on during a cabinet meeting in the Cabinet Room of the White House in Washington, DC, on April 30, 2025.  (JIM WATSON/AFP via Getty Images)

Trump and Modi’s G7 meeting marked another significant step. 

Trump praised Modi as «calm, cool and totally killer» and said he would be traveling to India «sometime in the future.» India has been pressing Trump for a visit, potentially as part of a broader meeting involving Japan and Australia.

Trump also said the United States would defend India.

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«If anybody attacks that man, we’re going to be there,» Trump said, referring to Modi. «Now, if there’s a new leader, I’m not sure about it.»

The Pakistani and Indian governments did not respond to Fox News Digital requests for comment.