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Liberal hot spot residents can’t agree on what socialism means as far-left movements gains steam

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Americans can’t seem to get on the same page when it comes to what defines socialism even though new polling shows the movement’s favorability is at an all-time high.

Whether far-left factions are able to rally around the label could come down to understand its principles.

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Digital took to the streets of a Maryland liberal hotspot, Takoma Park, for its annual street festival to talk with attendees about their definitions of socialism and how far they would be willing to go to embrace its ideals.

«The fact is that there’s no…one answer,» Nina Gilden Seavey said when asked to define socialism.

«Just the idea of like, you’ve been paying all these things to set up these programs and then you’re actually giving them to the people,» Jaw Blake said describing his view of the political movement. «It’s not a special group that gets to have them, it’s just available.»

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LIBERAL HAVEN FESTIVAL-GOERS WEIGH GOVERNMENT SEIZURE OF THEIR HOMES: ‘I’D BE SO GAME’

Jenny Sniderman had a more direct answer, claiming that «public libraries, the police department, the fire department, all our public services, utilities,» are all part of what makes up socialism.

A September Gallup poll found that 43% of Americans have a positive image of socialism — the highest level since the polling organization began tracking the question in 2010.

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But the survey asks respondents their image of socialism without providing a definition of the ideology or asking whether they would actually support adopting it in the U.S.

The same festival-goers were pressed on socialism as an economic system, questioning their favorability of collective ownership. They shared some skepticism when Digital asked whether they would personally surrender their private property to government or collective control.

«Do I want to give up my private property? Of course I don’t want to give up my private property,» Sniderman said. «Are they going to reimburse me fairly? That would be helpful in making my choice.»

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«I don’t know that I would necessarily love it,» Blake said. «But I mean, if it was something that was beneficial, I’d at least consider it.»

DSA CO-CHAIR PUSHES BACK ON SOVIET UNION COMPARISONS, WANTS PRISONS TO BE ‘LESS NECESSARY’

«Nobody wants what they have to be taken away from them,» he continued. «But there is something to be said about…you can set up things so that they’re available for everybody.»

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«I think the government is not the greatest steward…of assets,» Seavey said. «It’s not to say that capitalism is somehow without flaw, but the fact is that there is an idealism that can come from thinking, ‘Oh, if we had some more centrality, if…there was some kind of uber organization in charge of reallocation.’»

Documentary filmmaker and self-described historian Seavey also questioned the idea of government control over private assets, but argued that the growing democratic socialist movement in the U.S. should not be confused with traditional socialism.

«This is not socialism. This is democratic socialism. It’s different. There’s socialism, there’s communism, there are all kinds of ‘isms.’ Democratic socialism is essentially what we have a growing movement in this country,» Seavey said.

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«Socialism is where there is a massive redistribution of wealth. We are not having redistribution of wealth in this country.»

But the Democratic Socialists of America, the largest socialist organization in the U.S., advocates redistributing wealth from wealthy individuals and corporations to workers and lower-income Americans. The DSA also calls for public stake in major corporations and essential industries rather than private ownership.

THE NUMBERS DON’T LIE. YOUNG AMERICANS ARE FALLING IN LOVE … WITH SOCIALISM

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The differing interpretations among festival-goers reflect a broader debate over what socialism means in America — one that has taken on new political significance as socialist candidates gain ground within the Democratic Party heading into midterm elections.

In a 2018 survey asking Americans to define socialism in their own words, just 17% described it in terms of government ownership or control of businesses or the means of production. Another 23% associated it with equality, while 10% pointed to social benefits and services. Nearly a quarter could not provide an answer.

Seavey argued that political labels themselves have distorted the conversation.

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«Let’s think about it differently and let’s take away these ridiculous stigmas that have to do with these crazy labels that we have allowed the right wing to foment onto the rest of America,» Seavey said.

But as socialist-aligned candidates compete for office, the growing movement raises a question that favorable polling alone cannot answer: whether voters are embracing its promises on affordability and equality, or also support its broader proposals for economic ownership and control.

socialism, politics, rise of socialism, democratic party, polls

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Trump se encamina a una dura derrota en las elecciones legislativas de EE.UU.: cómo impactan la guerra en Irán y el costo de vida

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Donald Trump tiene poco más de tres semanas para intentar revertir lo que los sondeos vaticinan como una dolorosa derrota republicana en las elecciones de medio término del martes 3 de noviembre en Estados Unidos.

Ese día, bajo la sombra de la inconclusa guerra de Irán y su impacto en la economía con un preocupante aumento en el precio del combustible y otros insumos estratégicos, el presidente estadounidense pondrá en juego nada menos que sus dos últimos años de mandato.

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Los sondeos no le son favorables.

La encuestadora Decision Desk HQ le da a la oposición demócrata un 75% de posibilidades de ganar la Cámara de Representantes, con una mayoría de 234-201.

Este cuerpo legislativo tiene la llave financiera del Pentágono y de la cuestionada agencia migratoria (ICE) encargada de las temibles redadas antiinmigrantes que dejaron herida a la comunidad latina. Pero también puede abrir investigaciones sobre el gobierno y las empresas del presidente.

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Según el mismo sondeo, los demócratas tienen una ligera ventaja en el Senado y podrían dar el golpe con un resultado ajustado de 51 a 49. Ahora el oficialismo cuenta con 53 senadores. Allí está hoy la gran pelea del oficialismo.

En total, en estas elecciones se renovarán los 435 escaños de la Cámara de Represententes, 35 de las 100 bancas del Senado, 36 gobernaciones y buena parte del poder legislativo de 46 estados, además de cargos locales y estatales en todo el país.

Mientras la región gira hacia la derecha, Trump arriesga un duro revés electoral que condicionaría sus planes de gobierno en el último tramo de su gestión. Su poder, en caso de una derrota, quedaría muy limitado en cuestiones internas clave.

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¿Cómo puede impactar una derrota en el gobierno de Trump?

Mariano de Alba, investigador venezolano asociado del Instituto Internacional para Estudios Estratégicos en Reino Unido, afirmó a TN que el impacto de una derrota republicana sería triple.

“Se debilita la posibilidad del gobierno de Trump de adelantar políticas y aprobar leyes de largo plazo, incrementaría el escrutinio del Congreso sobre las acciones de su gobierno, y aceleraría el proceso y la competencia dentro del Partido Republicano para definir quién será el candidato en las elecciones presidenciales de 2028″, detalló.

El presidente Donald Trump en la Casa Blanca en Washington, el 7 de octubre del 2026. (AP foto/Julia Demaree Nikhinson)

Según el analista, “es muy probable que, en ese escenario, Trump ponga un enfoque aún mayor en los últimos dos años de su gobierno en asuntos de política exterior, donde sus poderes seguirían siendo muy amplios”.

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Además, señaló: “Esto también dependería mucho, en distintos niveles, si pierde solo el Senado, solo la Cámara Baja o ambos. Perder el Senado, lo limitaría mucho para cuestiones clave como la designación de jueces, funcionarios del gabinete, embajadores, entre otros”.

Sumario

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‘Kafkiano’, ‘absurdo’, ‘surrealista’: ciertas palabras no siempre apropiadas que se usan para describir una realidad loca

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Imaginemos las siguientes escenas. En la oficina alguien dice que “la reunión de ayer fue surrealista”. Leemos en el periódico lo “grotesca” que es la vida pública española. El informativo adjetiva como “kafkiana” la situación de los afectados por un fallo administrativo. Y unos amigos denominan “esperpéntico” o “absurdo” el último escándalo político o judicial.

El problema del desgaste semántico

Todos entendemos, a grandes rasgos, qué quieren decir. Y, sin embargo, han empleado –quizás sin saberlo– cinco términos extraordinarios como si fueran sinónimos de “raro”, “incomprensible” o “muy malo”.

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No es exactamente un error, sino el resultado de un proceso de desgaste semántico. En él, las palabras pierden algunos rasgos específicos y se vuelven más abstractas o generales. Cuando un término da a entender algo que el idioma cotidiano no puede expresar solo, los hablantes lo adoptan de manera instintiva, aunque desconozcan su origen.

Y aunque en ese instinto hay muy buen olfato lingüístico, a menudo se olvida el rico universo de significados que estas expresiones esconden. Conocer el lenguaje del caos es aprovechar las mejores herramientas que el arte y la literatura han dado al idioma, ¿las descubrimos?

Surrealista

El surrealismo, según la Real Academia, es un movimiento artístico que intenta sobrepasar lo real mediante lo irracional, simbólico y onírico. Sirva de ejemplo la obra de, entre otros, Dalí, Buñuel y Leonora Carrington.

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Hoy en día, la actualidad es una competencia feroz de relatos descontextualizados, con sesgos y noticias falsas. A ello contribuye la irrupción de la IA, pues recrea y supera lo real con una facilidad pasmosa. Estas imágenes nos inquietan y provocan extrañeza porque nos hacen dudar de qué es auténtico y qué no lo es. Por eso las llamamos surrealistas, ya que están “por encima” de la realidad. Y no son nada inocentes, pues la manipulan ética y estéticamente. Surrealistas serían, entre otros calificativos, las fotografías generadas por IA que el presidente de los EEUU cuelga en sus redes.

El adjetivo surrealista describe la manipulación estética y ética provocada por contenidos descontextualizados e imágenes generadas por inteligencia artificial

Kafkiano

¿A quién no se le ha pasado una fecha tope para realizar un trámite, mientras que la administración, con frecuencia, incumple sus propios plazos? O ¿quién, para dar de baja un contrato, no ha lidiado con la pesadilla de un servicio de atención al cliente automatizado?

Si nos sentimos atrapados e indefensos ante leyes arbitrarias o de una lógica circular e irrefutable, tal vez “kafkiano” sea nuestra mejor opción. A los personajes de las novelas de Franz Kafka les alienan las instituciones y los laberintos burocráticos. Igual que dickensiano, dantesco, orwelliano o berlanguiano, remite a rasgos concretos del autor (Dickens, Dante, Orwell o Luis García Berlanga respectivamente). A estos adjetivos se les denomina “epónimos”.

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Absurdo

En latín, “surdus” significaba ‘sordo’, y “absurdus” era ‘disonante, que suena mal’. Ahora lo absurdo brota cuando chocan la lógica, la realidad y nuestra propia capacidad para entender qué ocurre. En Alicia en el país de las maravillas, Lewis Carroll imaginó un mundo en el que el acto mismo de comunicarse es inestable, como se plasma en la célebre “merienda de locos” en la que Alicia tiene que hacer frente a una conversación confusa e ilógica en la que ella no comprende nada.

¿Quién no ha sentido un desconcierto parecido leyendo cientos de mensajes acumulados de un grupo de WhatsApp?

Hoy en día, abandonados al entorno digital y sin ver muchas veces a nuestros interlocutores, renunciamos al tono y contexto emocional, fundamentales para saber, entre otras cosas, si nos están mintiendo. En este mismo vacío de multitudes ausentes, las redes sociales diseminan reacciones. Luego estas recirculan y se fragmentan hasta que el significado desaparece.

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Curiosamente, en Esperando a Godot (1952) –la pieza teatral de Samuel Beckett definida como “teatro del absurdo”– no ocurre nada. El tiempo se detiene. Los personajes hablan sin cesar hasta que el significante se disocia del significado. Mientras tanto, la tensión por entender qué ocurre nunca se resuelve y la respuesta nunca llega.

Grotesco

Acuñado para describir la mezcla de plantas, humanos y animales en la Domus Aurea de Nerón, el adjetivo “grotesco” permite identificar algo muy complejo. Rara vez la realidad es estable o comedida, ni tampoco blanca o negra. De ahí que fusione opuestos o incompatibles, como el humor y la muerte. Por consiguiente, nuestra respuesta emocional ante la atracción y la repulsión es híbrida e incómoda.

Lo grotesco aglutina una estética, una retórica y una longeva tradición artística. Autores como Quevedo, Swift, Dickens, Joyce o Margaret Atwood lo usan, entre otros menesteres, para enaltecer nuestros sentidos entumecidos. Esto explica que el escritor Salman Rushdie compare lúcidamente las obras (grotescas) del Bosco y Goya con la situación internacional actual.

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Esperpéntico

Es un término tan profundamente español que “esperpento” ya existía en el diccionario de la RAE de 1914 como sinónimo coloquial de “persona ridícula” o “cosa de mal aspecto” antes de que Ramón del Valle-Inclán lo convirtiera en un concepto estético literario.

El origen de la metáfora era real: en la calle Álvarez Gato de Madrid había una ferretería cuya fachada exhibía un espejo cóncavo y otro convexo que deformaban a quien pasaba por delante. Para Valle-Inclán simbolizaban la realidad española, una tragedia ridícula con héroes caricaturescos. Con acierto, hoy denominamos así desde exageradas tendencias de moda e instituciones disfuncionales a decisiones judiciales incomprensibles, pasando por situaciones en las que la realidad parece superar a la ficción.

El mundo al revés

De las tradiciones literarias y festivas adoptamos el motivo y la frase “el mundo al revés”. Durante el carnaval se invertían las jerarquías –ricos y pobres– y se relajaban las normas religiosas. Eso tenía lógica, pues liberaba tensión social.

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Hoy nos causan desazón hechos y actitudes que contradicen la lógica, como que las fuerzas del orden cometan delitos y los representantes políticos no den la imagen de ejemplaridad que se les presupone. O que compartamos nuestra intimidad, pero luego temamos ser vigilados por empresas o gobiernos.

Las palabras como diagnóstico

Resulta significativo que estos términos sean casi intercambiables, fruto del desgaste semántico. Parece que el mundo actual, tan saturado de impresiones contradictorias e incomprensibles, los valida y precisa todos al mismo tiempo. Necesitamos el diccionario completo del caos.

Y hay una ironía que Kafka, Dalí y Valle-Inclán habrían apreciado: las palabras que inventaron, nutrieron o transformaron para describir situaciones e individuos insoportables se han vuelto tan cotidianas que casi no las sentimos. Como si el idioma mismo se hubiera acostumbrado a lo extraordinario. Eso, quizás, es lo más absurdo de todo.

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* Profesor Titular de Filología Inglesa, Departamento de Filología y Traducción, Universidad Pablo de Olavide.

** Profesora titular de universidad, área de Lengua española, Universidad Pablo de Olavide.

Este artículo fue publicado originalmente en The Conversation.

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Democrats are changing their transgender message. Republicans say they’re just flip-flopping

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South Carolina Democratic Senate nominee Dr. Annie Andrews appears to be distancing herself from her past opposition to restricting transgender athletes in girls’ sports, telling Digital she opposes biological males competing in women’s sports and gender transition surgeries for minors.

As Democrats fight to regain control of the House and Senate in the midterm elections, Andrews is among a group of candidates in competitive races in red and swing states who seem to be shifting positions on transgender issues. Meanwhile, Republicans are aiming to use the highly-charged issue as a cudgel to bash Democrats for a second straight cycle.

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«I don’t support biological men playing in women’s sports, and I don’t support gender surgery on minors,» Andrews told Digital.

Andrews, who’s locked in an increasingly competitive midterm election showdown with Republican Sen. Darline Graham in reliably red state South Carolina, delivers the same message in a new campaign commercial, adding, «I want you to hear me loud and clear.»

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But Graham, who was appointed to the Senate following the sudden death this summer of her older brother, longtime Sen. Lindsey Graham, is accusing Andrews of trying to conceal her previous position on transgender athletes.

Andrews «has spent years supporting biological males competing in girls’ sports. Now that she’s running for Senate, she’s trying to hide from that radical record,» Graham recently charged.

Graham and Republicans point to Andrews’ opposition to a 2022 South Carolina law barring transgender athletes from competing on girls’ and women’s public school sports teams.

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«This is shameful legislation that does nothing to protect or support women or children in SC. In fact, it is actively harmful. I will always support trans youth,» Andrews wrote in a social media post at the time.

Republicans are seeking to once again make the issue a campaign liability.

The GOP effectively blasted Democrats in the 2024 election, with President Donald Trump’s campaign targeting Democratic nominee Vice President Kamala Harris with ads declaring «Kamala is for they/them. President Trump is for you.»

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WHO’S UP AND WHO’S DOWN IN THE LATEST MIDTERM POWER RANKINGS

Republicans spent more than $200 million to run ads targeting Democrats on the transgender issue in the 2024 campaign, arguably helping the GOP to sweeping victories.

The latest national polls indicate that most Americans oppose transgender athletes playing on sports teams that don’t match their birth sex.

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More than three-quarters (76%) of those questioned in a national poll conducted last month backed banning biological men from competing in women’s sports, with one in five opposed. The survey indicated bipartisan support, with 90% of Republicans, 77% of independents and 61% of Democrats backing the ban.

Facing a rough political climate amid an unpopular war in Iran and soaring gas and diesel prices as they try to hold their fragile congressional majorities, Trump and the GOP are increasingly looking to replay their transgender political playbook.

Trump, at last month’s GOP midterm convention, described anti-trans messaging as one of the party’s most effective campaign tools to drive voter turnout and target Democrats in the final stretch leading up to Election Day.

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«It’s one of our great sound bites of all time,» the president said at the two-day confab in Dallas.

DEMOCRACY ’26: STAY UP TO DATE WITH THE ELECTION HUB

And some of the other top speakers at the convention, including Vice President JD Vance, Speaker Mike Johnson, House Majority Leader Steve Scalise, and Senate and House GOP re-election chairs Sen. Tim Scott and Rep. Richard Hudson highlighted the issue in their addresses.

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Meanwhile, Republican ads on the issue are running for a second straight cycle.

But Democrats are recalibrating, and learning to fight back.

One of the first to pivot following the 2024 election setbacks was California Gov. Gavin Newsom, a potential 2028 Democratic presidential candidate. In early 2025, he suggested that biological males playing in women’s sports was «deeply unfair.»

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Also making headlines and sparking a debate among Democrats was Rep. Seth Moulton of Massachusetts, who said soon after the 2024 elections that he opposed transgender athletes competing in girls’ sports and that Democrats spent too much time trying not to offend people.

Veteran Democratic strategist Maria Cardona told that «Democrats are being smart on this issue in terms of defining where they are on it so their opponents can’t define them and then pivoting back to the issues that they know that voters actually care about.»

«I have two little girls, I don’t want them getting run over on a playing field by a male or formerly male athlete, but as a Democrat I’m supposed to be afraid to say that,» Moulton told The New York Times.

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Fast-forward to present day, and while most Democratic politicians remain steadfast supporters of transgender rights, there are an increasing number who have changed course.

Texas state Rep. James Talarico, the Democratic Senate nominee trying to flip a GOP-held seat in red-leaning Texas, has been targeted by Republicans over his past support for allowing transgender athletes in girls’ sports. But he told last month, «I oppose trans athletes playing in girls’ sports if it endangers safety or fairness.»

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In Republican-dominated Iowa, where Democrats are aiming to capture another open-GOP held Senate seat, Democratic nominee state Rep. Josh Turek has expressed opposition to biological males competing in women’s sports and gender transition surgeries for minors after facing Republican criticism.

Longtime Democratic Rep. Marcy Kaptur of Ohio, who is facing a tough re-election bid, is running ads saying «boys should not play in girls’ sports» and that she is focused on «making your life more affordable.»

In her campaign mailers she touts that she «voted to ban schools from touting gender ideology in classrooms,» and, «Unlike the far left, I believe boys shouldn’t play girls’ sports.»

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But the National Republican Congressional Committee pointed out that Kaptur voted against the GOP-led Protection of Women and Girls in Sports Act in April 2023 and January 2025.

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«Lies from desperate Democrat Marcy Kaptur can’t erase her radical record. Kaptur is in damage control, and she must remove herself as a co-sponsor of the Equality Act and disavow her previous votes or remove her lies from the airwaves,» NRCC spokesman Zach Bannon told Digital.

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Rep. Don Davis of North Carolina, another vulnerable Democrat seeking re-election, was one of only three House Democrats who voted last year for a GOP bill that could lead to prison for health care workers providing gender-affirming care for minors.

Davis, who played football at the Air Force Academy, appears alongside a football field in a re-election advertisement, saying, «I believe states should decide what’s right for protecting women and girls, and North Carolina has decided.»

But both Kaptur and Davis have faced pushback from Democrats over their messaging on the transgender issue.

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And in deep blue Massachusetts, Moulton, who apologized for his past transgender comments, was still trounced in last month’s Democratic Senate primary by progressive Sen. Ed Markey, who accused his challenger of throwing transgender children «under the bus.»

CHECK OUT THE LATEST POLLS IN THE MIDTERM ELECTIONS

Republican strategist Colin Reed, pointing to Democrats who’ve shifted their positions, told Digital that «voters should be very skeptical in the authenticity of any shifting policy positions that occur weeks before an election, especially in red parts of America where these types of issues have proven to be so politically toxic in the past.»

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But Cardona, a veteran of the Bill Clinton administration, the Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama campaigns and the Democratic National Committee who currently serves as a DNC committee member, said Democrats are «defining where they are on the issue so their opponents can’t define them and then pivoting back to the issues that they know that voters actually care about.»

She argued that «Republicans won’t be able to weaponize this issue this cycle the way they were able to in 2024 for two reasons. Democrats are fighting about and actually talking about it and defining themselves. But more importantly, when people can’t make ends meet, they’re not going to be drawn into culture issues which don’t make a difference when you go to gas pumps and can’t fill up your car to go to work.»

Fox News’ Elizabeth Elkind contributed to this report

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