The Trump administration on Friday released its fourth tranche of declassified unidentified anomalous phenomena (UAP) records, including newly released military infrared videos and additional details about a 2015 unidentified object reported near the nation’s primary nuclear weapons assembly facility.

Officials said the latest release is part of the administration’s effort to expand public access to UAP records while protecting information that could reveal sensitive military capabilities, eyewitness identities or national security operations.

Among the newly released files is an 18-second infrared video submitted by U.S. Indo-Pacific Command in 2025 showing an object officials described as resembling a six-pointed star.

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The footage, captured by an infrared sensor aboard a U.S. military platform over the Yellow Sea, shows the sensor tracking what the government described as an «area of contrast» while cautioning that the video’s description should not be interpreted as an official conclusion about the object’s identity or significance.

The latest release also includes a newly declassified Department of Energy report detailing a 2015 incident involving an unidentified object over the Pantex Plant near Amarillo, Texas, the nation’s primary facility for assembling, maintaining and dismantling nuclear weapons. Portions of the report had previously been released in a more heavily redacted form, but Friday’s tranche includes additional details and imagery.

The release also includes a 1-minute, 46-second infrared video submitted by U.S. Indo-Pacific Command in 2024 that shows a military sensor tracking an elongated area of contrast. As the sensor zooms in, the object appears as a line of several points moving across the field of view before becoming less distinct as it recedes into the distance. Officials cautioned that the video’s description should not be interpreted as an official conclusion about the object’s identity or significance.

Another newly released Navy «Range Fouler Debrief» — a standardized report used to document unauthorized intrusions into military training airspace — describes a military operator observing a «quite small» object with a metallic appearance and reflective underside that continued traveling in a constant direction. The report cautions that the descriptions reflect the observer’s impressions at the time and are not definitive assessments of the object’s characteristics.

A screenshot of video footage from an alleged unidentified anomalous phenomenon (UAP) sighting in the northeastern United States in July 2025, which was detailed in files released by the DOW and originally obtained by the FBI. (DOW/FBI)

PENTAGON FILES REVEAL AGENTS’ REPORTS OF ‘ORBS LAUNCHING ORBS’ NEAR SENSITIVE US SECURITY SITE

The release also features additional infrared videos submitted by U.S. Central Command, the Air Force and Indo-Pacific Command. One 2024 video shows what appears to be an elongated area of contrast that later resembles a line of multiple bright points as the military sensor tracks it. Another 2023 video captures two areas of contrast crossing the sensor’s field of view in opposite directions.

In at least one case, AARO included technical context alongside the footage, noting that apparent flickering in a 2019 Air Force infrared video could result from the sensor’s automatic contrast adjustments when tracking an object whose temperature closely matched its background.

An artist’s rendering released by the U.S. Department of War depicting a 2023 sighting of «orbs launching other orbs» near a national security site in the western United States. (Department of War)

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Congress established AARO in 2022 to investigate reports of unidentified objects across air, sea, space and other domains, with a focus on determining whether incidents could pose flight safety or national security risks. The office is tasked with assessing whether sightings can be attributed to foreign adversaries, classified U.S. programs or conventional explanations before labeling them unresolved.

The latest release is the fourth tranche in a series that is part of President Donald Trump’s directive to expand public access to UAP records, adding that redactions were limited to protecting eyewitness identities, sensitive military locations and unrelated government facilities.

Durante varias horas, 27 pescadores artesanales navegaron a la deriva frente a la costa ecuatoriana sin motores, sin equipos de comunicación y sin posibilidad de pedir ayuda. Lo que comenzó como una jornada habitual de pesca frente a Manabí terminó convirtiéndose en un operativo de búsqueda que movilizó a las autoridades marítimas y mantuvo en vilo a decenas de familias. El desenlace llegó cuando todos fueron encontrados con vida en la comuna La Entrada, en la provincia de Santa Elena, después de sobrevivir, según sus primeros testimonios, a un violento asalto en alta mar.

Los pescadores habían salido desde comunidades pesqueras del cantón Manta, principalmente de los sectores de Santa Rosa y Las Piñas, en la parroquia San Lorenzo, para cumplir una faena de pesca artesanal. Con el paso de las horas dejaron de comunicarse y no regresaron al puerto en el tiempo previsto, por lo que sus familiares alertaron a la Capitanía del Puerto sobre su desaparición.

La denuncia dio paso a un operativo de búsqueda en aguas del litoral ecuatoriano. Durante las primeras inspecciones fueron localizadas varias embarcaciones flotando sin sus motores fuera de borda, un hallazgo que llevó a las autoridades y a los propios pescadores de la zona a sospechar que la flotilla había sido víctima de un ataque de piratas del mar, una modalidad delictiva que ha ganado presencia en la costa del país.

Mientras avanzaba la búsqueda, la incertidumbre crecía entre las familias. La noticia cambió cuando comenzó a circular un video enviado desde Santa Elena en el que aparecían varios de los pescadores confirmando que estaban con vida. Poco después, las autoridades verificaron la información y confirmaron que los 27 hombres habían logrado llegar a la comuna La Entrada, ubicada en el límite entre Santa Elena y Manabí.

De acuerdo con las versiones preliminares entregadas por los sobrevivientes, la flotilla fue interceptada por hombres armados mientras realizaba labores de pesca. Los atacantes les habrían robado los motores fuera de borda, los equipos de comunicación, combustible y otras pertenencias de valor antes de abandonar las embarcaciones en mar abierto.

Sin los motores, los pescadores quedaron completamente expuestos a las corrientes marinas. Incapaces de maniobrar o de solicitar auxilio por radio, permanecieron durante horas desplazándose sin control hasta conseguir acercarse a la costa de Santa Elena, donde finalmente recibieron ayuda y pudieron contactar a sus familiares.

En las horas posteriores al hallazgo circularon versiones no confirmadas sobre la existencia de otros pescadores desaparecidos e incluso sobre un posible fallecimiento. Sin embargo, hasta el 10 de julio las autoridades únicamente habían confirmado que los 27 trabajadores del mar cuya desaparición había sido denunciada fueron encontrados con vida. Las investigaciones continúan para esclarecer los hechos y verificar la información que comenzó a difundirse durante la emergencia.

El caso volvió a poner de relieve la vulnerabilidad de la pesca artesanal frente al incremento de los ataques de delincuentes que operan en aguas ecuatorianas. En los últimos años, pescadores de Manabí, Santa Elena, Esmeraldas y otras provincias costeras han denunciado un aumento de los robos en altamar, principalmente dirigidos al hurto de motores fuera de borda, cuyo elevado valor en el mercado ilegal los convierte en uno de los principales objetivos de estas organizaciones.

Para los pescadores, la pérdida del motor no solo representa un golpe económico que puede impedirles volver a trabajar durante semanas o meses. También constituye un riesgo inmediato para la vida, ya que una embarcación inmovilizada queda a merced del viento, las corrientes y las condiciones del océano, especialmente cuando la tripulación pierde además los equipos de navegación y comunicación.

Las autoridades marítimas y los organismos de seguridad mantienen abiertas las investigaciones para identificar a los responsables del asalto denunciado por los sobrevivientes y establecer cómo operó el grupo que interceptó a la flotilla. Los testimonios de los pescadores serán incorporados a las diligencias para reconstruir la secuencia del ataque y determinar si este caso guarda relación con otros episodios similares registrados en la costa ecuatoriana durante los últimos meses.

Graham Platner’s political collapse did more than derail a scandal-plagued Senate campaign in Maine. It also completed Pennsylvania Sen. John Fetterman’s public transformation from a Bernie Sanders-backed progressive populist to one of the left’s most aggressive internal critics.

Fetterman was among the first prominent Democrats to call out Platner’s mounting controversies, even as many party leaders continued backing the scandal-plagued candidate until a former girlfriend publicly accused Platner of rape, an allegation he denies. The accusation prompted the remaining pillars of Democratic support to collapse.

By Wednesday night, Fetterman laid into his onetime political ally Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., in an interview with Fox News’ Charles Hurt on «Jesse Watters Primetime.»

«The trash took itself out,» Fetterman said of Platner’s withdrawal, as Hurt asked who should be held most responsible for the Platner chaos.

KINGMAKER MAMDANI CALLS ON PLATNER TO ‘DROP OUT OF THE RACE’ AFTER RAPE ALLEGATION

«Absolutely, Bernie Sanders needs to apologize to the voters of Maine and to everyone that donated to that train wreck of a campaign,» Fetterman said.

Sanders ultimately called on Platner to end his candidacy after the allegation surfaced, but Fetterman argued the Vermont progressive owed voters an apology for helping elevate him in the first place.

«More than anyone, he pushed ‘P. Hustle’ into the election. And now he keeps pushing these Communists and these kinds of awful, anti-American people.»

Fox News Digital reached out to Sanders, Fetterman and Platner’s campaign for comment.

JOHN FETTERMAN’S FALL FROM HERO TO HERETIC EXPOSES DEMOCRATS’ HARD LEFT TURN

Graham Platner, Democratic US Senate candidate for Maine, during a primary election night event at the Blue Hill YMCA in Blue Hill, Maine, US, on Tuesday, June 9, 2026. Progressive Democrat Graham Platner won the party’s Senate primary in Maine after a bruising campaign which became as much about his accusations of past misbehavior as it was voters’ top concerns. (Graeme Sloan/Bloomberg via Getty Images)

The comments cap a remarkable political evolution for Fetterman, who recently acknowledged he is more popular with some Republicans than his own party.

«For some strange [reason], I am more popular with Republicans, which is confusing because I vote in the 90-[percentile] Dem-line,» Fetterman told NewsNation in March, adding that he supports Israel and President Donald Trump’s «Operation: Epic Fury» against Iran.

Chris Borick, a professor at Lehigh University and former president of the Pennsylvania Political Science Association, called Fetterman’s change in relationship with Sanders and the Democrats’ progressive wing «dramatic.»

«As someone that follows Pennsylvania politics, I can’t find anything even close in comparison to the shifts that we’ve seen in Fetterman’s positions on an array of matters over a short period of time,» Borick said. «We’ve seen people switch parties, like Arlen Specter… but in terms of a quick departure on the most significant levels, Fetterman’s changes are without precedent in the state.»

Fetterman’s break with the left has not been limited to Sanders-world. In Pennsylvania, his increasingly independent posture has also put distance between him and parts of the state Democratic establishment, including breaking some partisan norms.

State Sen. Doug Mastriano, R-Gettysburg, who served in the Pennsylvania Senate while Fetterman was lieutenant governor and presided over the chamber, said the Democrat had «political differences» with him but was typically «gracious and respectful.»

He spoke of an interaction on the Harrisburg Senate floor when Fetterman learned Mastriano accrued a record number of ballot signatures to qualify to run for governor against then-Attorney General Josh Shapiro.

«Senator Fetterman came down from the rostrum, congratulated me, and said, ‘Doug, 30,000. That’s really impressive. Great job.’ It wasn’t something he had to do,» Mastriano told Fox News Digital.

«I can’t speak for Sen. Fetterman’s political evolution — that’s something only he can explain. But I do respect anyone who is willing to speak their mind, think independently, and put what they believe to be America’s interests first, even when doing so may not be popular within their own party,» said Mastriano, who said Fetterman appears to be «put[ting] Pennsylvania ahead of politics.»

Fetterman recently upstaged his home state’s Democratic standard-bearer, Gov. Josh Shapiro, by teaming up with Republican Sen. David McCormick to help secure a booth on the National Mall for the Great American State Fair after the governor’s office said there was too little time and too little vendor interest to assemble one.

Shapiro’s predecessor, Gov. Tom Wolf, with whom Fetterman served as lieutenant governor during Wolf’s second term, also appeared to have no love lost for his party’s new maverick.

«I have thoughts, but I don’t have to share them anymore,» Wolf, who has largely retired from public life, said in March of Fetterman’s job performance.

When the two were in office in Harrisburg, Fetterman was closely aligned with Sanders and rode a wave of progressive populism to the lieutenant governor’s office — which is a separate primary-ballot line from the governorship.

Sam Chen, a Pennsylvania political analyst and chief strategist at the Allentown-based Liddell Group, told Fox News Digital that Fetterman’s evolution from Sanders ally to critic is a significant one while questioning whether the Democratic Party’s political environment helped cause the break.

«Fetterman was really helped by Sanders — even in Fetterman’s first Senate run … and then against who we really thought was probably the frontrunner in Conor Lamb.»

«Sanders really helped put Fetterman on the map and helped get him over the top,» Chen said, calling the senator’s recent condemnation of Sanders his «biggest break» with the progressive wing.

However, Chen questioned whether Fetterman’s break with Sanders over Platner was less about policy than about judgment, character and candidate quality.

«I wonder if Fetterman would have had this position if Platner had all his policy views that he has now but there was no Totenkopf tattoo or allegations from women.»

During his 2018 lieutenant governor campaign, Fetterman touted Sanders’ endorsement as proof of his progressive bona fides, describing the Vermont senator as one of the few national politicians who had the «little guy’s» back. Fetterman was then still mayor of postindustrial Braddock, a working-class suburb outside Pittsburgh, but his populist profile was already drawing national attention.

Sanders in turn came to Pennsylvania to endorse Fetterman: «What John’s campaign is about … is that we are going to transform this country and create a government that works for all of us, not just wealthy campaign contributors,» he said, according to PBS’ Philadelphia affiliate.

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Sen. John Fetterman heads to a lunch meeting with Senate Democrats at the U.S. Capitol on Nov. 15, 2022, in Washington, DC. (Drew Angerer/Getty Images)

Since his election to the Senate, Pennsylvania Democratic groups, including the Monroe County Democratic Party in the Poconos, have branded him a «traitor,» while Punchbowl described his current political standing as «tenuous» and reported that no member of the Keystone State’s House delegation would confirm support for a 2028 reelection bid.

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«Squad» member Rep. Summer Lee, who represents Fetterman’s hometown and is more ideologically aligned with Sanders, told the outlet the increasingly isolated senator would run «at his own peril.»

Chen said Fetterman’s progressive «bona fides» remain, noting he still is reliably liberal on LGBTQ rights, marijuana and abortion — adding that as mayor or lieutenant governor, foreign policy positions were a nonfactor. Still, he argued, the fight over Platner shows how far Fetterman has moved from the progressive coalition that launched him into national politics.